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THE
ENGLISH AND SCOTTISH
POPULAR BALLADS
EDITED BY
FRANCIS JAMES CHILD
PART VI
BOSTON
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
NEW YORK: 11 EAST SEVENTEENTH STREET
%\)t fttoerstae prcstf, Cambriuge
London: Henry Stevens & Son, 115 St. Martin's Lane, Charing Cross
One (CfcoujjanD Copies printeo.
No
:£JJ
SEP 2 4 1?*T
Copyright, 1889, by F. J. Cmt.v.
The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A. Electrotyped and Printed by H. 0. Houghton & Company.
ADVERTISEMENT
Mr MACMATH has helped me in many ways 'in the preparation of this Sixth Part, and, as before, has been prodigal of time and pains. I am under particular obligations to Mr Robert Bruce Armstrong, of Edinburgh, for his communications concerning the ballad- folk of the Scottish border, and to Dr Wilhelm Wollner, of the University of Leipsic, and Mr GEORGE Lyman Kittredge, my colleague in Harvard College, for contributions (in- dicated by the initials of their names) which will be found in the Additions and Corrections. Dr Wollner will continue his services. Mr John Karlowicz, of Warsaw, purposes to review in ' Wisla ' all the English ballads which have Polish affinities, and Professor Alex- ander Vesselofsky has allowed me to hope for his assistance ; so that there is a gratifying prospect that the points of contact between the English and the Slavic popular ballads will in the end be amply brought out. Thanks are due and are proffered, for favors of various kinds, to Lieutenant- Colonel Lumsden, of London, Lieutenant - Colonel Prideaux, of Calcutta, Professor Skeat, Miss Isabel Florence Hapgood, Professor Vinogradop, of Moscow, Professor George Stephens, Mr Axel Olrik, of Copenhagen (to whom the completion of Svend Grundtvig's great work has been entrusted), Mr James Barclay Murdoch, of Glasgow, Dr P. J. Furnivall, Professor C. R. Lanman, Mr P. Z. Round, and Mr W. W. Newell.
F. J. C.
Jult, 1889.
CONTENTS
♦ —
Page
156. Queen Eleanor's Confession 257
157. Gude Wallace 265
158. Hugh Spencer's Feats in France 275
159. Durham Field 282
160. The Knight of Liddesdale 288
161. The Battle of Otterburn 289
162. The Hunting of the Cheviot 303
163. The Battle of Harlaw 316
164. King Henry Fifth's Conquest of France 320
165. Sir John Butler 327
166. The Rose of England 331
167. Sir Andrew Barton 334
168. Flodden Field 351
169. Johnlk Armstrong 362
170. The Death of Queen Jane 372
171. Thomas Cromwell 377
172. Musselburgh Field 378
173. Mary Hamilton 379
174. Earl Bothwell 399
175. The Rising in the North 401
176. Northumberland betrayed by Douglas 408
177. The Earl of Westmoreland 416
178. Captain Car, or, Edom o Gordon 423
179. Rookhope Ryde 439
180. King James and Brown 442
181. The Bonny Earl of Murray 447
182. The Laird o Logie 449
183. Willie Macintosh 456
184. The Lads of Wamphray 458
185. Dick o the Cow 461
186. Kinmont Willie 469
187. Jock o the Side . . • 475
188. Archie o Cawfield 484
Additions and Corrections 496
%C6
156
QUEEN ELEANOR'S CONFESSION
A. a. ' Queen Eleanor's Confession,' a broadside, London, Printed for C. Bates, at the Sun and Bible in Gilt-spur-street, near Pye-corner, Bagford Bal- lads, II, No 26, British Museum (1685 ?). b. An- other broadside, Printed for C. Bates in Pye-cor- ner, Bagford Ballads, I, No 33 (1685 V). c. Another copy, Printed for C. Bates, in Pye-corner, reprinted in Utierson's Little Book of Ballads, p. 22. d. A Collection of Old Ballads, 1723, I, 18.
B. Skene MS., p. 39.
C. ' Queen Eleanor's Confession,' Buchan's Gleanings, p. 7 7.
D. ' The Queen of England,' Aytoun, Ballads of Scot- land, 1859, I, 196.
E. ' Queen Eleanor's Confession,' Kinloch's Ancient Scottish Ballads, p. 247.
F. ' Earl Marshall,' Motherwell's Minstrelsy, p. 1.
Given in Percy's Reliques, 1765, II, 145, " from an old printed copy," with some changes by the editor, of which the more im- portant are in stanzas 2-4. P, " recovered from recitation " by Motherwell, repeats Per- cy's changes in 2, 3, 104, and there is rea- son to question whether this and the other recited versions are anything more than tra- ditional variations of printed copies. The ballad seems first to have got into print in the latter part of the seventeenth century, but was no doubt circulating orally some time before that, for it is in the truly popu- lar tone. The fact that two friars hear the confession would militate against a much ear- lier date. In B there might appear to be some consciousness of this irregularity ; for the Qneen sends for a single friai-, and the King says he will be " a prelate old " and sit in a dark corner ; but none the less does the King take an active part in the shrift.*
There is a Newcastle copy, " Printed and sold by Robert Marchbank, in the Custom- house-Entry," among the Douce ballads in the Bodleian Library, 3, fol. 80, and in the Rox-
* The threat implied in E 34 has no motive ; and the phrase " haly spark " in 54 is an unadvised anticipation.
t Found also in the ballad, A Warning-Piece to England against Pride and Wickedness : Being the Fall of Queen vol. in. 33
burghe collection, British Museum, III, 634. This is dated in the Museum catalogue 1720 ?
Eleanor of Aquitaine was married to Henry II of England in 1152, a few weeks after her divorce from Louis VII of France, she being then about thirty and Henry nineteen years of age. " It is needless to observe," says Percy, " that the following ballad is altogether fabu- lous ; whatever gallantries Eleanor encouraged in the time of her first husband, none are im- puted to her in that of her second."
In Peele's play of Edward I, 1593, the story of this ballad is transferred from Henry II and Eleanor of Aquitaine to Edward Longshanks and that model of women and wives, Eleanor of Castile, together with other slanders which might less ridiculously have been invented of Henry II's Eleanor.f Ed- ward's brother Edmund plays the part of the Earl Marshall. The Queen dies ; the King bewails his loss in terms of imbecile affection, and orders crosses to be reared at all the stages of the funeral convoy. Peele's Works, ed. Dyce, I, 184 ff.
There are several sets of tales in which a
Eleanor, Wife to Edward the First, King of England, who, for her l'ride, by God's Judgments, sunk into the Ground at Charing-Cross and rose at Quecn-Hithe. A Collection of Old Ballads, I, 97.
258
156. QUEEN ELEANOR'S CONFESSION
husband takes a shrift-father's place and hears his wife's confession. 1. A fabliau " Du che- valier qui fist sa fame confesse," Barbazan et M6on, III, 229 ; Montaiglon, Kecueil Ge- neral, 1, 178, No 16 ; Legrand, Fabliaux, etc., 1829, IV, 182, with circumstances added by Legrand. 2. Les Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, 1432, No 78 ; Scala Celi, 1480, fol. 49;* Mensa Philosophica, cited by Manni, Istoria del De- camerone, p. 476 ; Doni, Novelle, Lucca, 1852, Nov. xiii ; Malespini, Ducento Novelle, No 92, Venice, 1609, I, 248 ; Kirchhof, Wendun- muth, No 245, Oesterley, II, 535; La Fon- taine, " Le Mari Confesseur," Contes, I, No 4. 3. Boccaccio, vh, 5.
In 1, 2, the husband discovers himself after the confession ; in 3 he is recognized by the wife before she begins her shrift, which she frames to suit her purposes. In all these, the wife, on being reproached with the infidelity which she had revealed, tells the husband that she knew all the while that he was the confessor, and gives an ingenious turn to her
apparently compromising disclosures which satisfies him of her innocence. All these tales have the cynical Oriental character, and, to a healthy taste, are far surpassed by the innoc- uous humor of the English ballad.
Oesterley, in his notes to Kirchhof, V, 103, cites a number of German story-books in which the tale may, in some form, be found ; also Hans Sachs, 4, 3, 7b.f In Bandello, Parte Prima, No 9, a husband, not disguising him- self, prevails upon a priest to let him over- hear his wife's confession, and afterwards kills her.
Svend Grundtvig informed me that he had six copies of an evidently recent (and very bad) translation of Percy's ballad, taken down from recitation in different parts of Denmark. In one of these Queen Eleanor is exchanged for a Queen of Norway. Percy's ballad is also translated by Bodmer, II, 40 ; Ursinus, p. 59 ; Talvj, Charakteristik, p. 513 ; Doring, p. 373; Knortz, L. u. R. Alt-Englands, No 51.
a. A broadside, London, Printed for C. Bates, at the Sun & Bible in Gilt-spur-street, near Pye^corner, Bagford Ballads, II, No 26, 1685? b. A broadside, Printed for C. Bates, in Pye-corner, Bagford Ballads, I, No 33, 1685 1 c. Another copy of b, reprinted in Utterson's Little Book of Ballads, p. 22. d. A Collection of Old Ballads, 1723, I, 18.
1 Queen Elenor was a sick woman,
And afraid that she should dye ; Then she sent for two fryars of France, For to speak with them speedily.
2 The King calld down his nobles all,
By one, by two, and by three, And sent away for Earl Martial, For to speak with him speedily.
3 When that he came before the King,
He fell on his bended knee ;
* There attributed to Jacques de Vitry, but not found in his Exempla. Professor Crane informs me that, though the Scala Celi cites Jacques de Vitry sixty-two times, only fourteen of such exempla occur among J. de V.'s.
' A boon, a boon ! our gracious king, That you sent so hastily.'
4 ' I '11 pawn my living and my lands,
My septer and my crown, That whatever Queen Elenor says, I will not write it down.
5 ' Do you put on one fryar's coat,
And I '11 put on another, And we will to Queen Elenor go, One fryar like another.'
6 Thus both attired then they go ;
When they came to Whitehall, The bells they did ring, and the quiristers sing, And the torches did light them all.
7 When that they came before the Queen,
They fell on their bended knee :
t The story does not occur in Doni's Marmi, iii, 27, as has been said. What is there found is somewhat after the fashion of ' The Baffled Knight,' No 112.
156. QUEEN ELEANOR'S CONFESSION
259
i A boon, a boon ! our gracious queen, That you sent so hastily.'
8 ' Are you two fryars of France ? ' she said,
1 Which I suppose you be ; But if you are two English fryars, Then hanged shall you be.'
9 ' We are two fryars of France,' they said,
' As you suppose we be ; We have not been at any mass Since we came from the sea.'
I poysoned Fair Rosamond, All in fair Woodstock bower.'
15 ' That is a vile sin,' then said the King,
' God may forgive it thee ! ' ' Amen ! Amen ! ' quoth Earl Martial, ' And I wish it so may be.'
16 ' Do you see yonders little boy,
A tossing of that ball ? That is Earl Martial['s] eldest son, And I love him the best of all.
10 ' The first vile thing that ere I did
I will to you unfold ; Earl Martial had my maidenhead, Underneath this cloath of gold.'
11 ' That is a vile sin,' then said the king,
' God may forgive it thee ! ' ' Amen ! Amen ! ' quoth Earl Martial, With a heavy heart then spoke he.
12 ' The next vile thing that ere I did
To you I '11 not deny ; I made a box of poyson strong, To poyson King Henry.'
13 ' That is a vile sin,' then said the King,
' God may forgive it thee ! ' ' Amen ! Amen ! ' quoth Earl Martial, ' And I wish it so may be.'
14 ' The next vile thing that ere I did
To you I will discover ;
17 ' Do you see yonders little boy,
A catching of the ball ? That is King Henry's son,' she said, ' And I love him the worst of all.
18 ' His head is like unto a bull,
His nose is like a boar ; ' 1 No matter for that,' King Henry said, ' I love him the better therefore.'
19 The King pulld of his fryar's coat,
And appeard all in red ; She shriekd and she cry'd, she wrong her hands, And said she was betrayd.
20 The King lookd over his left shoulder,
And a grim look looked he, And said, Earl Martial, but for my oath, Then hanged shouldst thou be.
B
Skene MS., p. 39.
1 Our queen 's sick, an very sick,
She 's sick an like to die ; She has sent for the friars of France, To speak wi her speedilie.
2 ' I '11 put on a friar's robe,
An ye '11 put on anither, An we '11 go to Madam the Queen, Like friars bath thegither.'
3 ' God forbid,' said Earl Marishall,
' That ever the like shud be,
That I beguile Madam the Queen ! I wad be hangit hie.'
4 The King pat on a friar's robe,
Earl Marishall on anither ; They 're on to the Queen, Like friars baith thegither.
5 ' Gin ye be the friars of France,
As I trust well ye be — But an ye be ony ither men, Ye sail be hangit hie.'
6 The King he turnd him roun,
An by his troth sware he,
260
15C. QUEEN ELEANOR'S CONFESSION
We hae na sung messe Sin we carne frae the sea.
7 ' The first sin ever I did,
An a very great sin 't was tee, I gae my maidenhead to Earl Marishall, Under the greenwood tree.'
8 ' That was a sin, an a very great sin,
But pardond it may be ; ' ' Wi mendiment,' said Earl Marishall, But a heavy heart had he.
9 ' The next sin ever I did,
An a very great sin 't was tee, I poisened Lady Rosamond, An the King's darling was she.'
10 ' That was a sin, an a very great sin,
But pardond it may be ; ' ' Wi mendiment,' said King Henry, But a heavy heart had he.
11 ' The next sin ever I did,
An a very great sin 't was tee, I keepit poison in my bosom seven years, To poison him King Henrie.'
12 ' That was a sin, an a very great sin,
But pardond it may be ; ' 1 Wi mendiment,' said King Henry, But a heavy heart had he.
13 ' O see na ye yon bonny boys,
As they play at the ba ? An see na ye Lord Marishal's son ? I lee him best of a'.
14 ' But see na ye King Henry's son ?
He 's headit like a bull, and backit like a boar. I like him warst awa : ' 1 And by my sooth,' says him King Henry, ' I like him best o the twa.'
15 The King he turned him roun,
Pat on the coat o goud,
The Queen turnd the King to behold.
16 .
' Gin I hadna sworn by the crown and sceptre roun, Earl Marishal sud been gart die.'
Buchan's Gleanings, p. 77.
1 The Queen 's faen sick, and very, very sick,
Sick, and going to die, And she 's sent for twa friars of France, To speak with her speedilie.
2 The King he said to the Earl Marischal,
To the Earl Marischal said he, The Queen she wants twa friars frae France, To speak with her presentlie.
3 Will ye put on a friar's coat,
And I '11 put on another, And we '11 go in before the Queen, Like friars both together.
4 ' But O forbid,' said the Earl Marischal,
' That I this deed should dee ! For if I beguile Eleanor our queen, She will gar hang me hie.'
5 The King he turned him round about,
An angry man was he ; He 's sworn by his sceptre and his sword Earl Marischal should not die.
6 The King has put on a friar's coat,
Earl Marischal on another, And they went in before the Queen, Like friars both together.
7 ' O, if ye be twa friars of France,
Ye 're dearly welcome to me ; But if ye be twa London friars, I will gar hang you hie.'
8 ' Twa friars of France, twa friars of France,
Twa friars of France are we, And we vow we never spoke to a man Till we spake to Your Majesty.'
9 ' The first great sin that eer I did,
And I '11 tell you it presentlie.
156. QUEEN ELEANOR'S CONFESSION
2G1
Earl Marischal got my maidenhead, When coming oer the sea.'
10 ' That was a sin, and a very great sin,
But pardoned it may he ; ' 'All that with amendment,' said Earl Mari- schal, But a quacking heart had he.
11 ' The next great sin that eer I did,
I '11 tell you it presentlie ; I carried a hox seven years in my hreast, To poison King Henrie.'
12 ' O that was a sin, and a very great sin,
But pardoned it may be ; ' ' All that with amendment,' said Earl Mari- schal, But a quacking heart had he.
13 ' The next great sin that eer I did,
I '11 tell you it presentlie ; I poisoned the Lady Rosamond, And a very good woman was she.
14 ' See ye not yon twa bonny boys,
As they play at the ba ? The eldest of them is Marischal's son,
And I love him best of a' ; The youngest of them is Henrie's son,
And I love him none at a'
15 ' For he is headed like a bull, a bull,
He is backed like a boar ; ' ' Then by my sooth,' King Henrie said, ' I love him the better therefor.'
16 The King has cast off his friar's coat, '
Put on a coat of gold ; The Queen she 's turned her face about, She could not 's face behold.
17 The King then said to Earl Marischal,
To the Earl Marischal said he, Were it not for my sceptre and sword, Earl Marischall, ye should die.
Aytoun's Ballads of Scotland, 2d edition, I, 196, from the recitation of a lady residing in Kirkcaldy ; learned of her mother.
1 The queen of England she has fallen sick,
Sore sick, and like to die ; And she has sent for twa French priests, To bear her companie.
2 The King he has got word o this,
And an angry man was he ; And he is on to the Earl-a-Marshall, As fast as he can gae.
3 ' Now you '11 put on a priest's robe,
And I '11 put on anither, And we will on unto the Queen, Like twa French priests thegither.'
4 ' No indeed ! ' said the Earl-a-Marshall,
' That winna I do for thee,. Except ye swear by your sceptre and crown Ye '11 do me nae injurie.'
5 The King has sworn by his sceptre and crown
He '11 do him nae injurie, And they are on unto the Queen, As fast as they can gae.
6 ' 0, if that ye be twa French priests,
Ye 're welcome unto me ; But if ye be twa Scottish lords, High hanged ye shall be.
7 ' The first sin that I did sin,
And that to you I '11 tell, I sleeped wi the Earl-a-Marshall, Beneath a silken bell.
8 ' And wasna that a sin, and a very great sin ?
And I pray ye pardon me ; ' ' Amen, and amen ! ' said the Earl-a-Marshall, And a wearied man was he.
9 ' The neist sin that I did sin,
And that to you I '11 tell, I keeped the poison seven years in my bosom, To poison the King himsel.
2G2
156. QUEEN ELEANOR'S CONFESSION
10 ' And wasna that a sin, and a very great sin ?
And I pray ye pardon me ; ' 'Amen, and amen ! ' said the Earl-a-Marshall, And a wearied man was he.
11 ' O see ye there my seven sons,
A' playing at the ba ? There 's but ane o them the King's himsel, And 1 like him warst of a'.
12 ' He's high-backed, and low-breasted,
And he is bald withal ; ' ' And by my deed,' and says the King, ' I like him best mysel !
13 ' O wae betide ye, Earl-a-Marshall,
And an ill death may ye die ! For if I hadna sworn by my sceptre and crown, High hanged ye should be.'
E
Kinloch's Ancient Scottish Ballads, p. 247.
1 The Queen fell sick, and very, very sick,
She was sick, and like to dee, And she sent for a friar oure frae France, Her confessour to be.
2 King Henry, when he heard o that,
An angry man was he, And he sent to the Earl Marshall, Attendance for to gie.
3 ' The Queen is sick,' King Henry cried,
' And wants to be beshriven ; She has sent for a friar oure frae France ; ,.By the rude, he were better in heaven !
4 ' But tak you now a friar's guise,
The voice and gesture feign, And when she has the pardon crav'd, Respond to her, Amen !
5 ' And I will be a prelate old,
And sit in a corner dark, To hear the adventures of my spouse, My spouse, and her haly spark.'
6 ' My liege, my liege, how can I betray
My mistress and my queen ? O swear by the rude that no damage From this shall be gotten or gien ! '
7 ' I swear by the rude,' quoth King Henry,
' No damage shall be gotten or gien ; Come, let us spare no cure nor care For the conscience o the Queen.'
*
8 ' O fathers, 0 fathers, I 'm very, very sick,
I 'm sick, and like to dee ; Some ghostly comfort to my poor soul O tell if ye can gie ! '
9 ' Confess, confess,' Earl Marshall cried,
' And you shall pardoned be ; ' ' Confess, confess,' the King replied, 'And we shall comfort gie.'
10 ' Oh, how shall I tell the sorry, sorry tale !
How can the tale be told ! I playd the harlot wi the Earl Marshall, Beneath yon cloth of gold.
11 ' Oh, wasna that a sin, and a very great sin ?
But I hope it will pardoned be ; ' ' Amen ! Amen ! ' quoth the Earl Marshall, And a very feart heart had he.
12 ' O down i the forest, in a bower,
Beyond yon dark oak-tree, I drew a penknife frae my pocket To kill King Henerie.
13 ' Oh, wasna that a sin, and a very great sin ?
But I hope it will pardoned be ; ' ' Amen ! Amen ! ' quoth the Earl Marshall, And a very feart heart had he.
14 ' 0 do you see yon pretty little boy,
That 's playing at the ba ? He is the Earl Marshall's only son, And I loved him best of a'.
15 ' Oh, wasna that a sin, and a very great sin ?
But I hope it will pardoned be ; ' ' Amen ! Amen ! ' quoth the Earl Marshall. And a very feart heart had he.
150. QUEEN ELEANOR'S CONFESSION
263
16 • And do you see yon pretty little girl,
That 's a' beclad in green ? She 's a friar's daughter, oure in France, And I hoped to see her a queen.
17 ' Oh, wasna that a sin, and a very great sin ?
But I hope it will pardoned be ; ' ' Amen ! Amen ! ' quoth the Earl Marshall, And a feart heart still had he.
18 ' O do you see yon other little boy,
That 's playing at the ba ?
He is King Henry's only son, And I like him vvarst of a'.
19 ' He 's headed like a buck,' she said,
' And backed like a bear ; ' ' Amen ! ' quoth the King, in the King's ain voice, ' He shall be my only heir.'
20 The King lookd over his left shoulder,
An angry man was he : ' An it werna for the oath I sware, Earl Marshall, thou shouldst dee.'
F
Motherwell's Minstrelsy, p. 1 ; from recitation.
1 Queene Eleanor was a sick woman,
And sick just like to die, And she has sent for two fryars of France, To come to her speedilie. And she has sent, etc.
2 The King called downe his nobles all,
By one, by two, by three : ' Earl Marshall, I '11 go shrive the Queene, And thou shalt wend with mee.'
3 ' A boone, a boone ! ' quoth Earl Marshall,
And fell on his bended knee, ' That whatsoever the Queene may say, No harm thereof may bee.'
4 ' O you '11 put on a gray-friar's gowne,
And I '11 put on another, And we will away to fair London town, Like friars both together.'
5 ' 0 no, O no, my liege, my king,
Such things can never bee ; For if the Queene hears word of this, Hanged she '11 cause me to bee.'
6 ' I swear by the sun, I swear by the moon,
And by the stars so hie, And by my sceptre and my crowne, The Earl Marshall shall not die.'
7 The King 's put on a gray-friar's gowne,
The Earl Marshall 's put on another,
And they are away to fair London towne, Like fryars both together.
8 When that they came to fair London towne,
And came into Whitehall, The bells did ring, and the quiristers sing, And the torches did light them all.
9 And when they came before the Queene,
They kneeled down on their knee : ' What matter, what matter, our gracious queene, You 've sent so speedilie ? '
10 ' 0, if you are two fryars of France,
It 's you that I wished to see ; But if you are two English lords, You shall hang on the gallowes-tree.'
11 ' O we are not two English lords,
But two fryars of France we bee, And we sang the Song of Solomon, As we came over the sea.'
12 ' Oh, the first vile sin I did commit
Tell it I will to thee ; I fell in love with the Earl Marshall, As he brought me over the sea.'
13 ' Oh, that was a great sin,' quoth the King,
' But pardond it must bee ; ' ' Amen ! Amen ! ' said the Earl Marshall, With a heavie heart spake hee.
14 ' Oh, the next sin that I did commit
I will to you unfolde ;
2G4
150. QUEEN ELEANOR'S CONFESSION
Earl Marshall had my virgin dower, Beneath this cloth of golde.'
15 ' Oh, that was a vile sin,' said the King,
' May God forgive it thee ! ' ' Amen ! Amen ! ' groaned the Earl Marshall, And a very frightened man was hee.
16 ' Oh, the next sin that I did commit
Tell it I will to thee ; I poisoned a lady of nohle blood, For the sake of King Henrie.'
17 ' Oh, that was a great sin,' said the King,
' But pardoned it shall bee ; ' ' Amen ! Amen ! ' said the Earl Marshall, And still a frightened man was he.
18 ' Oh, the next sin that ever I did
Tell it I will to thee ; I have kept strong poison this seven long years, To poison King Henrie.'
19 ' Oh, that was a great sin,' said the King,
' But pardoned it must bee ; ' ' Amen ! Amen ! ' said the Earl Marshall, And still a frightened man was hee.
20 ' O don't you see two little boys,
Playing at the football ? O yonder is the Karl Marshall's son, And I like him best of all.
21 ' O don't you see yon other little boy,
Playing at the football ? O that one is King Henrie's son, And I like him worst of all.
22 ' His head is like a black bull's head,
His feet are like a bear ; ' ' What matter ! what matter ! ' cried the King, ' He 's my son, and my only heir.'
23 The King plucked off his fryar's gowne,
And stood in his scarlet so red ; The Queen she turned herself in bed, And cryed that she was betrayde.
24 The King lookt oer his left shoulder,
And a grim look looked he ; ' Earl Marshall,' he said, ' but for my oath, Thou hadst swung on the gallowes-tree.'
A. a. Queen Eleanor's Confession : Shewing how King Henry, with the Earl Martial, in Fryars Habits, came to her, instead of two Fryars from France, which she sent for. To a pleasant New Tune. Both a and b are dated in the Museum Catalogue 1670 ? " C. Bates, at Sun & Bible, near St. Sepulchre's Church, in Pye Corner, 1685." Chappell. 101. thta ere. 142. disdover. 171. younders.
b. Title the same, except came to see her. 163. Martial's. 171. see then yonders. 201. his let.
c. Title as in a. 43. whatsoever. 84. you shall. 162. catching of the. 163. Marshal's.
171. see then yonders.
Queen Eleanor's Confession to the Two sup- posed Fryars of France. I4. To speak with her. 22. and wanting. For wanting. I '11 pawn my lands the King then cry'd.
24
41
4
54
63,
104
ll4,
162
3. whatsoere. 51. on a.
E.
204 144
Like fryar and his brother.
they wanting. 74. you. 82. As I.
Beneath this. II1, 131, 151. That's.
then wanting.
of the. 163. Marshal's. 164, 174. And wanting. 183. Henry cry'd. 193. shriekd, she cry'd, and wrung.
Or hanged.
loved ; love in Kinloch's annotated copy.
F. 10\ ll1, 201,3, 211,8. Oh.
157. GUDE WALLACE
265
157
GUDE WALLACE
A. • On an honourable Achievement of Sir William Wallace, near Falkirk,' a chap-book of Four New Songs ami a Prophecy, 1 745 ? Johnson's Museum, ed. 1853, D. Laing's additions, IV, 458*; Maid- ment's Scotish Ballads and Songs, 1859, p. 83.
B. ' Sir William Wallace,' communicated to Percy by Robert Lambe, of Norham, probably in 1768.
C. ' Gude Wallace,' Johnson's Museum, p. 498, No 484, communicated by Robert Burns.
D. 'Gude Wallace,' communicated to Robert Cham- bers by Elliot Anderson, 1827.
E. ' Willie Wallace,' communicated to James Telfer by A. Fisher.
F. 'Willie Wallace,' Buchan's Gleanings, p. 114.
G. 'Sir William Wallace,' Alexander Laing's Thistle of Scotland, p. 100 ; Motherwell's MS., p. 487.
H. ' Wallace and his Leman,' Buchan's Ballads of the North of Scotland, II, 226.
C is reprinted by Finlay, I, 103. It is made the basis of a long ballad by Jamieson, II, 166, and serves as a thread for Cunning- ham's 'Gude Wallace,' Scottish Songs, I, 262.* F is repeated by Motherwell, Minstrelsy, p. 364, and by Aytoun, I, 54. A copy in the Laing MSS, University of Edinburgh, Div. II, 358, is C.
Blind Harry's Wallace (of about 1460, earlier than 1488) is clearly the source of this ballad. A-F are derived from vv 1080-1119 of the Fifth Book. Here Wallace, on his way to a hostelry with a comrade, met a woman, who counselled them to pass by, if Scots, for southrons were there, drinking and talking of Wallace ; twenty are there, making great din, but no man of fence. " Wallace went in and bad Benedicite." The captain said, Thou art a Scot, the devil thy nation quell. Wallace drew, and ran the captain through ; " fifteen he straik and fifteen has he slayn ; " his comrade killed the other five.
The story of A-B is sufficiently represented
* Cunningham, in his loose way, talks of several frag- ments which he had endeavored to combine, but can spare room for only one couplet :
Though lame of a leg and blind of an'ee, You're as like William Wallace as ever I did see.
But this is the William of ' The Knight and the Shepherd's Daughter,' No 110. vol. in. 34
by that of A. Wallace comes upon a woman washing, and asks her for tidings. There are fifteen Englishmen at the hostelry seeking Wallace. Had he money he would go thither. She tells him out twenty shillings (for which he takes off both hat and hood, and thanks her reverently). He bows himself over a staff and enters the hostelry, saying, Good ben be here (in C, he bad Benedicite, in the words of Blind Harry). The captain asks the crooked carl where he was born, and the carl answers that he is a Scot. The captain offers the carl twenty shillings for a sight of Wallace. The carl wants no better bode, or offer.f He strikes the captain such a blow over the jaws that he will never eat more, and sticks the rest. Then he bids the goodwife get him food, for he has eaten nothing for two days. Ere the meal is ready, fifteen other English- men light at the door. These he soon dis- poses of, sticking five, trampling five in the gutter, and hanging five in the wood.
F makes Wallace change clothes with a
t A 15, B 12, D 12, are somewhat corrupted. In F 14 Wallace says he never had a better bode. In E 1 0 Wal- lace's reply is, Pay down, for if your answer be not good you shall have the downfall of Robin Hood ; and in G 30, Tell down, and ye shall see William Wallace with the down- come of Robin Hood ; that is, I suppose, you shall be knocked down as if by Robin Hood.
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157. GUDE WALLACE
beggar, and ask charity at the inn. He kills his thirty men between eight and four, and then returning to the North-Inch (a common lying along the Tay, near Perth) finds the maid who was washing her lilie hands in st. 3 still " washing tenderlie." He pulls out twenty of the fifty pounds which he got from the captain, and hands them over to the maid for the good luck of her half-crown.
G has the change of clothes with the beg- gar, found in P, and prefixes to the story of the other versions another adventure of Wal- lace, taken from the Fourth Book of Blind Harry, vv 704-87. Wallace's enemies have seen him leaving his mistress's house. They seize her, threaten to burn her unless she ' tells,' and promise to marry her to a knight if she will help to bring the rebel down. Wallace returns, and she seeks to detain him, but he says he must go back to his men. Hereupon she falls to weeping, and ends with confessing her treason. He asks her if she repents ; she says that to mend the miss she would burn on a hill, and is for- given. Wallace puts on her gown and curches, hiding his sword under his weed, tells the armed men who are watching for him that Wallace is locked in, and makes good speed out of the gate. Two men follow him, for he seems to be a stalwart quean ; Wallace turns on them and kills them. This is Blind
Harry's story, and it will be observed to be followed closely in the ballad, with the addi- tion of a pitcher in each hand to complete the female disguise;, and two more southrons to follow and be killed. The first half of this version is plainly a late piece of work, very possibly of this century, much later than the other, which itself need not be very old. But the portions of Blind Harry's poem out of which these ballads were made were per- haps themselves composed from older ballads, and the restitution of the lyrical form may have given us something not altogether un- like what was sung in the fifteenth, or even the fourteenth, century. The fragment H is, as far as it goes, a repetition of G.
Bower (1444-49) says that after the battle of Roslyn, 1298, Wallace took ship and went to France, distinguishing himself by his valor against pirates on the sea and against the English on the continent, as ballads both in France and Scotland testify.* A fragment of a ballad relating to Wallace is preserved in Constable's MS. Cantus: Leyden's Com-, playnt of Scotland, p. 226.
Wallace parted his men in three And sundrie gaits are gone.
C is translated by Arndt, Bliitenlese, p. 198 ; F by Knortz, Schottische Balladen, p.
69, No 22.
A chap-book of Four New Songs and a Prophecy, 1745 1 The Scots Musical Museum, 1853, D. Laing's additions, IV, 458 *; Maidment, Scotish Ballads and Songs, 1859, p. 83.
1 ' Had we a king,' said Wallace then,
'That our kind Scots might live by their own ! But betwixt me and the English blood I think there is an ill seed sown.'
2 Wallace him over a river lap,
He lookd low down to a linn ;
* Post enim confiictum de Roslyn, Wallace, ascensa navi, Franciam petit, ubi quanta probitate refulsit, tain super mare a piratis quam in Francia ab Anglis perpessus est dis-
He was war of a gay lady
Was even at the well washing.
3 ' Well mot ye fare, fair madam,' he said,
' And ay well mot ye fare and see ! Have ye any tidings me to tell, I pray you '11 show them unto me.'
4 ' I have no tidings you to tell,
Nor yet no tidings you to ken ; But into that hostler's house
There 's fifteen of your Englishmen.
crimina, et viriliter se habuit, nonnulla carmina.tamin ipsa Francia quam Scotia, attestantur. Scotichronicon, Goodall, II, 176, note.
157. (HIDE WALLACE
267
5 ' And they are seeking Wallace there,
For they 've ordained him to be slain : ' ' O God forbid ! ' said Wallace then, ' For he 's oer good a kind Scotsman.
6 ' Bat had I money me upon,
Ami evn this day, as I have none, Then would I to that hostler's house, And evn as fast as I could gang.'
7 She put her hand in her pocket,
She told him twenty shillings oer her knee ; Then he took off both hat and hood, And thankd the lady most reverently.
8 ' If eer I come this way again,
Well paid [your] money it shall be ; ' Then he took off both hat and hood,
And he thankd the lady most reverently.
0 He leand him twofold oer a staff, So did he threefold oer a tree, And he 's away to the hostler's house, Even as fast as he might dree.
10 When he came to the hostler's house,
He, said, Good-ben be here ! quoth he : An English captain, being deep load, He asked him right cankerdly,
11 Where was you born, thou crooked carle,
And in what place, and what country ? ' T is I was born in fair Scotland, A crooked carle although I be.'
12 The English captain swore by th' rood,
' We are Scotsmen as well as thee, And we are seeking Wallace ; then To have him merry we should be.'
13 'The man,' said Wallace, 'ye 're looking for,
I seed him within these days three ;
And he has slain an English captain, And ay the fearder the rest may be.'
14 ' I 'd give twenty shillings,' said the captain,
' To such a crooked carle as thee, If you would take me to the place
Where that I might proud Wallace see.'
15 ' Hold out your hand,' said Wallace then,
' And show your money and be free, For tho you 'd bid an hundred pound, I never bade a better bode ' [, said he].
16 He struck the captain oer the chafts,
Till that he never chewed more ; He stickd the rest about the board, And left them all a sprawling there.
17 ' Rise up, goodwife,' said Wallace then,
' And give me something for to eat ; For it 's near two days to an end Since I tasted one bit of meat.'
18 His board was scarce well covered,
Nor yet his dine well scantly dight, Till fifteen other Englishmen
Down all about the door did light.
19 ' Come out, come out,' said they, ' Wallace ! '
then, ' For the day is come that ye must die ; ' And they thought so little of his might, But ay the fearder they might be.
20 The wife ran but, the gudeman ran ben,
It put them all into a fever ; Then five he sticked where they stood, And five he trampled in the gutter.
21 And five he chased to yon green wood,
He hanged them all out-oer a grain ; And gainst the morn at twelve o'clock, He dined with his kind Scottish men.
Communicated to Percy by R. Lambe, of Norbam, appar- ently in 1768.
1 ' I wish we had a king,' says Wallace, ' That Scotland might not want a head ;
In England and in Scotland baith,
I 'm sure that some have sowed ill seed.'
2 Wallace he oer the water did luke, And he luked law down by a glen,
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157. GUDE WALLACE
And he was aware of a gay lady, As she was at the well washing.
3 ' Weel may ye save, fair lady ! ' he says,
' Far hetter may ye save and see ! If ye have ony tidings to tell, I pray cum tell them a' to me.'
4 ' I have no tidings you to tell,
And as few tidings do I ken ; But up and to yon ostler-house Are just gane fifteen gentlemen.
5 ' They now are seeking Gude Wallace,
And ay they 're damning him to hang ; ' ' Oh God forbid,' says Wallace then, ' I 'm sure he is a true Scotsman.
6 ' Had I but ae penny in my pocket,
Or in my company ae baubee, I woud up to yon ostler-house, A' these big gentlemen to see.'
7 She pat her hand into her pocket,
She powd out twenty shillings and three : ' If eer I live to come this way, Weel payed shall your money be.'
8 He leaned him twafold oer a staff,
Sae did he twafold oer a tree, And he 's gane up to the ostler-house, A' these fine gentlemen to see.
9 When he cam up among them a',
He bad his benison be there ; The captain, being weel buke-learnd, Did answer him in domineer.
10 ' Where was ye born, ye cruked carl, Or in what town, or what countree ? ' ' O I was born in fair Scotland, A cruked carl although I be.'
11 The captain sware by the root of his sword,
Saying, I 'm a Scotsman as weel as thee ; Here 's twenty shillings of English money
To such a cruked carl as thee, If thou '11 tell me of that Wallace ;
He 's ay the creature I want to see.
12 ' O hawd your hand,' says Wallace then,
' I 'm feard your money be not gude ; If 't were as muckle and ten times mair, It shoud not bide anither bode.'
13 He 's taen the captain alang the chaps,
A wat he never chawed mair ; The rest he sticked about the table, And left them a' a sprawling there.
14 ' Gude wife,' he said, ' for my benison,
Get up and get my dinner dight ; For it is twa days till an end
Syne I did taste ane bit of meat.'
15 Dinner was not weel made ready,
Nor yet upon the table set,
When fifteen other Englishmen
Alighted all about the yate.
16 'Come out, come out now, Wallace,' they say,
' For this is the day ye are to dee ; Ye trust sae mickle in God's might, And ay the less we do fear thee.'
17 The gude wife ran but, the gude man ran ben,
They pat the house all in a swither ; Five sune he sticked where he stude, And five he smitherd in a gutter.
18 Five he chac'd to the gude green-wood,
And hanged them a' out-oer a pin ; And at the morn at eight o'clock
He din'd with his men at Lough-mabin.
Johnson's Museum, p. 498, No 484, communicated by Robert Burns.
1 ' O for my ain king,' quo Gude Wallace, ' The rightf u king of fair Scotland ! Between me and my soverign blude I think I see some ill seed sawn.'
2 Wallace out over yon river he lap,
And he has lighted low down on yon plain, And he was aware of a gay ladie, As she was at the well washing.
3 ' What tydins, what tydins, fair lady ? ' he says.
' What tydins hast thou to tell unto me ?
157. GUDE WALLACE
2G9
What tydins, what tydins, fair lady ? ' he says, • What tydins hae ye in the south countrie ? '
4 ' Low down in yon wee ostler-house
There is fyfteen Englishmen, And they are seekin for Glide Wallace, It 's him to take and him to hang.'
5 ' There 's nocht in my purse,' quo Gude Wal-
lace, ' There 's nocht, not even a bare penuie ; But I will down to yon wee ostler-house, Thir fyfteen Englishmen to see.'
6 And when he cam to yon wee ostler-house
He bad bendicite be there ;
And he sticket the rest at the table where they sat, And he left them a' lyin sprawlin there.
10 ' Get up, get up, gudewife,' he says,
' And get to me some dinner in haste ; For it will soon be three lang days Sin I a bit o meat did taste.'
11 The dinner was na weel readie,
Nor was it on the table set, Till other fifteen Englishmen Were a' lighted about the yett.
12 ' Come out, come out now, Gude Wallace !
This is the day that thou maun die : ' ' I lippen nae sae little to God,' he says, 1 Altho I be but ill wordie.'
7 ' Where was ye born, auld crookit carl ?
Where was ye born, in what countrie ? ' ' I am a true Scot born and bred,
And an auld crookit carl just sic as ye see.'
8 ' I wad gie fifteen shillings to onie crookit carl,
To onie crookit carl just sic as ye, If ye will get me Gude Wallace ;
For he is the man I wad very fain see.'
9 He hit the proud captain alang the chafft-
blade, That never a bit o meal he ate mair ;
13 The gudewife had an auld gudeman ;
By Gude Wallace he stiffly stood, Till ten o the fyfteen Englishmen Before the door lay in their blude.
14 The other five to the greenwood ran.
And he hangd these five upon a grain, And on the morn, wi his merry men a', He sat at dine in Lochmaben town.
Communicated to Robert Chambers by Elliot Anderson, Galashiels, 21 April, 1827, in a letter preserved among Kin- loch's papers. Copied, with changes, in Kinloch MSS, I, 177. Furnished me by Mr. Macmath.
1 ' I wish we had our king,' quo Gude Wallace,
' An ilka true Scotsman had his nawn ; For between us an the southron louns I doubt some ill seed has been sawn.'
2 Wallace he owre the water gaed,
An looked low down by a glen, An there he saw a pretty, pretty maid, As she was at the well washin.
3 ' O weel may ye wash, my bonny, bonny maid !
An weel may ye saep, an me to see !
If ye have ony tidins to tell, I pray you tell them unto me.'
4 ' I have no tidins for to tell,
Nor ony uncos do I ken ; But up into yon little alehouse An there sits fyfteen Englishmen.
5 ' An ay they are speakin o Gude Wallace,
An ay they are doomin him to hang : ' ' O forbid ! ' quo Gude Wallace,
' He 's owre truehearted a Scotsman.
6 ' Had I but a penny in my pouch,
As I have not a single bawbee, I would up into yon little alehouse, An ay thae southron blades to see.'
270
157. <;iJI)K WALLACE
7 She 's put her hand into her pouch,
An counted him out pennies three ; ' If ever I live to come hack this way, Weel paid the money it shall he.'
8 He 's taen a staff into his hand,
An Ieand himsel outowre a tree,
An he 's awa to yon little alehouse,
An ay the southron louns to see.
9 When he gaed in to that little alehouse,
He had his bennison be there ; The captain answered him [in] wrath, He answerd him with domineer.
10 ' O whare was ye born, ye crooked auld carle ?
An how may this your dwellin be ? ' ' 0 I was born in fair Scotland, A crooked carle altho I be.'
11 ' O I would een gie twenty shillins
To ony sic crooked carle as thee
That wad find me out Gude Wallace ;
For ay that traitor I lang to see.'
12 ' Haud out your hand,' quo Gude Wallace,
' I doubt your money be not gude ;
If ye '11 gie ither twenty shillins, It neer shall bide ye anither bode.'
13 He 's taen the captain outowre the jaws,
Anither word spak he neer mair ; An five he sticket whare they sat, The rest lay scramblin here an there.
14 * Get up, get up, gude wife,' he says,
' An get some meat ready for me, For I hae fasted this three lang days ; A wat right hungry I may be.'
15 The meat it wasna weel made ready,
Nor as weel on the table set, Till there cam fyfteen Englishmen An lighted a' about the yett.
16 The gudewife ran but; the gudeman ran ben ;
It put them a' in sic a stoure That five he sticket whare they sat, An five lay sprawlin at the door.
17 An five are to the greenwood gane,
An he 's hangd them a' outowre a tree, An before the mornin twal o clock He dined wi his men at Loch Marie.
E
Communicated to James Telfer by A. Fisher, as written down from the mouth of a serving-man, who had learned it in the neighborhood of Lochmabcn. Mr Robert White's papers.
1 Willie Wallace the water lap,
And lighted low down in a glen ; There he came to a woman washing, And she had washers nine or ten.
2 ' O weel may ye wash ! ' said Willie Wallace,
' O weel may ye wash ! ' said fair Willie, ' And gin ye have any tidings to tell, I pray ye tell them unto me.'
3 ' I have nae tidings for to tell,
And as few will I let ye ken ; But down into yon hosteler-ha Lies fifteen English gentlemen.'
4 ' O had I ae penny in my pocket,
Or had I yet ane bare bawbee,
I would go to yon hosteler-ha, All for these Englishmen to see.
5 'O wil ye len me ane pennie,
Or will ye len me a bare bawbee, I would go to yon hosteler-ha, All for these Englishmen to see.'
6 She 's put her hand into her pocket,
And she 's gaen him out guineas three, And he 's away to yon ostler-ha, All for these Englishmen to see.
7 Before he came to the hosteler-ha,
He linkit his armour oer a tree ; These Englishmen, being weel book-learned, They said to him, Great Dominie !
8 Where was ye born, ye crookit carle ?
Where was ye born, or in what countrie ? 4 In merry Scotland I was born, A crookit carle altho I be.'
157. tJUDE WALLACE
271
9 ' Here 's fifteen shillings,' one of them said, ' Here 's other fifteen I '11 gie to thee, If you will tell me. where the traitor Willie "Wallace is, Or where away thou thinks he '11 he.'
10 ' Pay down, paj' down your money,' he said,
' Pay down, pay down richt speedilie, For if your answer he not good.
You shall have the downfall of Rohin Hood,' [said he].
11 He 'struck the captain on the jaw,
He swore that he would "chow nae mair cheese ; He 's killed all the rest with his good broad- sword, And left them wallowing on their knees.
12 ' Go cover the tahle,' said Willie Wallace,
' Go cover the tahle, get me some meat,
For it is tlrree days and rather mair Since I did either drink or eat.'
13 They had not the tahle weel covered,
Nor yet the candle weel gaen licht, Till fifteen other Englishmen
They a' down at the door did light.
14 ' Come out, come out, Willie Wallace,' they
said. ' Come out, come out, and do not flee, For we have sworn hy our good broadswords That this is the nicht that you sail dee.'
15 He 's killed five with his good broadsword,
He 's drowned other five in the raging sea, And he 's taen other five to the merry green- wood, And hanged them oer the highest tree.
Buchan's Gleanings, p. 114; from a gypsy tinker, p. 199.
1 Wallace in the high highlans,
Neither meat nor drink got he ; Said, Fa me life, or fa me death, Now to some town I maun be.
2 He 's put on his short claiding,
And on his short claiding put he ; Says, Fa me life, or fa me death, Now to Perth-town I maun be.
3 He steped oer the river Tay,
I wat he steped on dry land ; He was aware of a well-fared maid, Was washing there her lilie hands.
4 ' What news, what news, ye well-fared maid ?
What news hae ye this day to me ? ' ' No news, no news, ye gentle knight,
No news hae I this day to thee, But fifteen lords in the hostage-house
Waiting Wallace for to see.'
5 ' If I had but in my pocket
The worth of one single pennie, I would go to the hostage-house, And there the gentlemen to see.'
6 She put her hand in her pocket,
And she has pulld out half-a-crown ; Says, Take ye that, ye belted knight, 'T will pay your way till ye come down.
7 As he went from the well-fared maid,
A beggar bold I wat met he, Was coverd wi a clouted cloak, And in his hand a trusty tree.
8 ' What news, what news, ye silly auld man ?
What news hae ye this day to gie ? ' ' No news, no news, ye belted knight,
No news hae I this day to thee, But fifteen lords in the hostage-house
Waiting Wallace for to see.'
9 ' Ye '11 lend me your clouted cloak,
That covers you frae head to shie, And I '11 go to the hostage-house, Asking there for some supplie.'
10 Now he 's gone to the West-muir wood,
And there he 's pulld a trusty tree ; And then he 's on to the hostage gone, Asking there for charitie.
11 Down the stair the captain comes,
Aye the poor man for to see :
272
157. GUDE WALLACE
' If ye be a captain as good as ye look, Ye '11 give a poor man some supplie ;
If ye be a captain as good as ye look, A guinea tbis day ye '11 gie to me.'
12 ' Where were ye born, ye crooked carle ?
Where were ye born, in what countrie ? ' 'In fair Scotland I was born, Crooked carle that I be.'
13 ' I would give you fifty pounds,
Of gold and white monie, I would give you fifty pounds,
If the traitor Wallace ye 'd let me see.'
14 ' Tell down your money,' said Willie Wallace,
' Tell down your money, if it be good ; I 'm sure I have it in my power, And never had a better bode.
15 ' Tell down your money,' said Willie Wallace,
' And let me see if it be fine ; I 'm sure I have it in my power To bring the traitor Wallace in.'
1G The money was told on the table, Silver bright of pounds fiftie ; ' Now here I stand,' said Willie Wallace, ' And what hae ye to say to me ? '
17 He slew the captain where he stood, The rest they did quack an roar ;
He slew the rest around the room, And askd if there were any more.
18 ' Come, cover the table,' said Willie Wallace,
' Come, cover the table now, make haste ; For it will soon be three lang days Sin I a bit o meat did taste.'
19 The table was not well covered,
Nor yet was he set down to dine, Till fifteen more of the English lords Surrounded the house where he was in.
20 The guidwife she ran but the floor,
And aye the guidman he ran ben ; From eight o clock till four at noon He has killd full thirty men.
21 He put the house in sick a swither
That five o them he sticket dead, Five o them he drownd in the river, And five hung in the West-muir wood.
22 Now he is on to the North-Inch gone,
Where the maid was washing tenderlie ; ' Now by my sooth,' said Willie Wallace, ' It 's been a sair day's wark to me.'
23 He 's put his hand in his pocket,
And he has pulld out twenty pounds ;
Says, Take ye that, ye weel-fared maid,
For the gude luck of your half-crown.
G
The Thistle of Scotland, Alexander Laing, p. 100, from the repetition of an old gentlewoman in Aberdeenshire. Also Motherwell's MS., p. 487, communicated by Peter Buchan of Peterhead, " who had it from an old woman in that neighborhood."
1 Woud ye hear of William Wallace,
An sek him as he goes, Into the Ian of Lanark, Amang his mortel faes ?
2 There was fyften English sogers
Unto his ladie cam, Said, Gie us William Wallace, That we may have him slain.
3 Woud ye gie William Wallace,
That we may have him slain,
And ye 's be wedded to a lord, The best in Christendeem.
4 ' This verra nicht at seven,
Brave Wallace will come in, And he '11 come to my chamber-door, Without or dread or din.'
5 The fyften English sogers
Around the house did wait, And four brave southron foragers Stood hie upon the gait.
6 That verra nicht at seven
Brave Wallace he came in, And he came to his ladie's bouir, Withouten dread or din.
157. GUDE WALLACE
273
7 When she heheld him Wallace,
She star'd him in the face ; ' Ohon, alas ! ' said that ladie, 4 This is a wofol case.
8 ' For I tliis nicht have sold you,
This nicht you must be taen, And I 'in to be wedded to a lord, The best in Christendeem.'
9 ' Do you repent,' said Wallace,
' The ill you 've dane to me ? ' ' Ay, that I do,' said that ladie, ' And will do till I die.
10 4 Ay, that I do,' said that ladie,
' And will do ever still, And for the ill I Ve dane to you, Let me burn upon a hill.'
11 ' Now God forfend,' says brave Wallace,
' I shoud be so unkind ; Whatever I am to Scotland's faes, I 'm aye a woman's friend.
12 ' Will ye gie me your gown, your gown,
Your gown but and your kirtle, Your petticoat of bonny brown, And belt about my middle ?
13 ' I '11 take a pitcher in ilka hand,
And do me to the well ; They '11 think I 'm one of your maidens, Or think it is yoursell.'
14 She has gien him her gown, her gown,
Her petticoat and kirtle, Her broadest belt, wi sdver clasp, To bind about his middle.
15 He 's taen a pitcher in ilka hand,
And dane him to the well ; They thought him one of her maidens, They kend it was nae hersell.
16 Said one of the southron foragers,
See ye yon lusty dame ? I woud nae gie muckle to thee, neebor, To bring her back agen.
17 Then all the southrons followd him,
And sure they were but four ; vol. hi. 35
But he has drawn his trusty brand, And slew them pair by pair.
18 He threw the pitchers frae his hands,
And to the hills fled he, Until he cam to a fair may, Was washin on yon lea.
19 ' What news, what news, ye weel-far'd may ?
What news hae ye to gie ? ' ' 111 news, ill news,' the fair may said, ' 111 news I hae to thee.
20 ' There is fyften English sogers
Into that thatched inn, Seeking Sir William Wallace ; I fear that he is slain.'
21 ' Have ye any money in your pocket ?
Pray lend it unto me, And when I come this way again, Repaid ye weel shall be.'
22 She['s] put her hand in her pocket,
And taen out shillings three ; He turnd him right and round about, And thankd the weel-far'd may.
23 He had not gone a long rig length,
A rig length and a span, Until he met a bold beggar, As sturdy as coud gang.
24 ' What news, what news, ye bold beggar ?
What news hae ye to gie ? ' ' O heavy news,' the beggar said, ' I hae to tell to thee.
25 ' There is fyften English sogers,
I heard them in yon inn,
Vowing to kill him Wallace ;
I fear the chief is slain.'
26 ' Will ye change apparell wi me, auld man ?
Change your apparell for mine ? And when I come this way again, Ye '11 be my ain poor man.'
27 When he got on the beggar's coat,
The pike-staff in his hand, He 's dane him down to yon tavern, Where they were drinking wine.
274
157. GUDE WALLACE
28 ' What news, what news, ye staff-beggar ?
What news hae ye to gie ? ' * I hae nae news, I heard nae news, As few I '11 hae frae thee.'
29 ' I think your coat is ragged, auld man ;
But woud you wages win, And tell where William Wallace is, We '11 lay gold in your hand.'
30 ' Tell down, tell down your good red gold,
Upon the table-head, And ye sail William Wallace see, Wi the down-come of Robin Hood.'
31 They had nae tauld the money down,
And laid it on his knee, When candles, lamps, and candlesticks, He on the floor gard flee.
32 And he has drawn his trusty brand,
And slew them one by one, Then sat down at the table-head, And called for some wine.
33 The goodwife she ran but, ran but,
The goodman he ran ben, The verra bairns about the fire Were a' like to gang brain.
34 ' Now if there be a Scotsman here,
He '11 come and drink wi me ; But if there be an English loun, It is his time to flee.'
35 The goodman was an Englishman,
And to the hills he ran ; The goodwife was a Scots woman, And she came to his hand.
H
Buehan's Ballads of the North of Scotland, II, 226.
1 Wallace wight, upon a night,
Came riding oer the linn, And he is to his leman's bower, And tirld at the pin.
2 ' O sleep ye, wake ye, lady ? ' he said,
' Ye '11 rise, lat me come in.' ' O wha 's this at my bower-door,
That knocks, and knows my name ? ' ' My name is William Wallace,
Ye may my errand ken.'
3 ' The truth to you I will rehearse,
The secret I '11 unfold ; Into your enmies' hands this night I fairly hae you sold.'
4 ' If that be true ye tell to me,
Do ye repent it sair ? ' ' O that I do,' she said, ' dear Wallace, And will do evermair !
5 ' The English did surround my house,
And forced me theretill ; But for your sake, my dear Wallace, I coud burn on a hill.'
6 Then he gae her a loving kiss,
The tear droppd frae his ee ; Says, Fare ye well for evermair, Your face nae mair I '11 see.
7 She dressd him in her ain claithing,
And frae her house he came ; Which made the Englishmen admire, To see this stalwart dame.
8 He is to Saint Johnston gane,
And there he playd him well ; For there he saw a well-far'd may, Was washing at a well.
9 ' What news, what news, ye well-far'd may ?
What news hae ye to me ? What news, what news, ye well-far'd may, All from your north countrie ? '
10 ' See ye not yon tavern-house,
That stands on yonder plain ? This very day have landet in it Full fifteen Englishmen ;
11 ' In search of Wallace, our dear champion,
Ordaining that he shoud dee.' 'Then on my troth,' said Wallace wight, ' These Englishmen I 'se see.'
158. HUGH SPENCER'S FEATS IN FRANCE
275
51
54
A. 28. was not war. F 3 has wasna aware. B, C, hare the obviously right reading. "Wallace then. Maidment, there. Maidment, ouer good.
101. Maidment, When come.
10a. quoth he he here.
124. Maidment, should we.
8'. oer a stree. Stree is glossed by Lambe as stick, but this is impossible: the s was in- duced by the s in staff above.
10M21. Oh.
II1. root of his sword simply from ignorance of the meaning of the rood, by which the captain swears in A 12 ; rood of his sword is hardly to be thought of.
12 2. A word for A wat. See D 144.
163,4. Corrupted: the words should be Wal- lace's. Cf. O 12.
|
c. |
92 |
|
D. |
P. |
|
21. |
|
|
9*. |
|
|
E. |
28. |
P.
G.
meal : perhaps meat. Var. (or gloss), his ain. went changed to gaed (for rhyme?). Var. with angry jeer, gin he. A. Fisher says that lines are wanting, and has supplied two after 7" (making a stanza of 78'4, 81'2, and leaving 83'4 as a half stanza) and two after 10- (leaving 103'4 as the second half of another stanza). The arrangement here adopted is in conformity with that of the other copies. 38. wasna. 22 1. Insch. Buchan's variations. 23. And for Said. 34. Christendeen.
92, 10s, 152, 278. done. 104. on a. 121. me wanting.
202. I heard them in yon inn. 211. you. 322. ane by ane.
158 HUGH SPENCER'S FEATS IN FRANCE
A. 'Hugh Spencer,' Percy MS., p. 281; Hales and Furnivall, II, 290.
B. 'Hugh Spencer,' Percy Papers, communicated by the Duchess Dowager of Portland.
C. Dr Joseph Robertson's Journal of Excursions, No 4.
The king of England, A, B, sends Hugh Spencer as ambassador to France, to know whether there is to be peace or war between the two lands. Spencer takes with him a hundred men-at-arms, A ; twenty ships, B. The French king, Charles, A 30, declares for war, A, C ; says that the last time peace was broken it was not along of him, B. The queen, Maude, B 9, is indignant that the king should parley with traitors, A, with English shep- herds, B. She proposes to Spencer a joust with one of her knights. The Englishman has no jousting -horse. Three horses are brought out for him, all of which he rejects, A, B ; in C, two. In A he calls for his old hack which he had brought over sea ; in B, C, he accepts a fourth [third], a fiery-eyed black.
Spencer breaks his spear, a French shaft, upon his antagonist ; three spears [two] are tied to- gether to make something strong enough for him to wield. He unhorses the Frenchman, then rides through the French camp and kills some thirteen or fourteen score of King Charles's men, A. The king says he will have his head, A, with some provocation cer- tainly ; the queen says as much in B, though Spencer has only killed her champion in fair fight. Spencer has but four true brethren left, A 33 ; we are not told what had become of the rest of his hundred. With these, or, in B, with two, he makes a stand against the royal guard, and kills scores of them. The French king begs him to hold his hand, A 34, B 35. There shall never be war with England
270
158. HUGH SPENCER'S FEATS IN FRANCE
while peace may be kept, A ; he shall take back with him all the ships he brought, B.*
Hugh is naturally turned into a Scotsman in the Scottish version, C. The shepherd's son that he is matched with, 7, 15, is ex- plained by traditional comment to be the queen's cousin.
These feats of Hugh Spencer do not out- strip those of the Breton knight Les Aubrays, when dealing with the French, Luzel, I, 286- 305, II, 564-581 ; nor is his fanfaronnerie much beyond that of Harry Fifth. The Bre- ton knight was explicitly helped by St Anne, but then Spencer and Harry have God and St George to borrow.
Liebrecht well remarks, Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1868, p. 1900, that Spencer's re- jecting the three French horses and preferring his old hack is a characteristically traditional trait, and like what we read of Walter of Aquitania in the continuation of his story in the chronicle of the cloister of Novalesa. After Walter, in his old age, had entered this mon- astery, he was deputed to obtain redress for a serious depredation on the property of the brethren. Asking the people of the cloister whether they have a horse serviceable for fight in case of necessity, he is told that there are good strong cart-horses at his disposal. He has these brought out, mounts one and an- other, and condemns all. He then inquires whether the old steed which he had brought with him is still alive. It is, but very old, and only used to carry corn to the mill. " Let
me see him," says Walter, and, mounting, cries, " Oh, this horse has not forgotten what I taught him in my younger days." Grimm u. Schraeller, Lateinische Gedichte des X. u. XI. Jahrhunderts, p. 109. See ' Tom Potts,' II, 441.f
Of the many Hugh Spensers if we select the younger of the favorites of Edward II, his exploits, had they any foundation in real- ity, would necessarily fall between 1322, when Charles IV came to the French throne, and 1326, when the Spensers, father and son, ended their career. The French king says in B 8 that Spenser had sunk his ships and slain his men. Hugh Spenser the younger (both, according to Knyghton, col. 2539, but the father was a very old man) was engaged in piracy in 1321. The quarrel between Ed- ward II and Charles IV, touching the Eng- lish possessions in France, was temporarily ar- ranged in 1325, but not through the mediation of the younger Spenser, who never was sent on an embassy to France. Another Sir Hugh Spenser was a commander in the Earl of Arundel's fleet in the operations against the French in Charles VI's time, 1387, and was taken prisoner in consequence of his ship grounding: Knyghton, col. 2693 ; Nicolas, His- tory of the Royal Navy, II, 322f. No one of the three queens of Charles IV bore the name of Maude, which is assigned to the French queen in B, neither did the queen of Charles VI.
Percy MS., p. 281 ; Hales and Furnivall, II, 290.
1 The court is kept att leeue London, And euermore shall be itt ; The King sent for a bold embassador, And Sir Hugh Spencer that he bight.
* " Thou hadst twenty ships hither, thou'st have twenty away," B 37. It would be more in the ballad-way were the second twenty doubled.
t In the London Athenaeum, about twenty-five years ago, there was (I think) a story of an Englishman in Russia
2 ' Come hither, Spencer,' saith our kinge,
' And come thou hither vnto mee ; I must make thee an embassadour
Betweene the king of Ffrance and mee.
3 ' Thou must comend me to the king of
Ffrance, And tell him thus and now ffrom mee,
resembling Hugh Spencer's. I have wrongly noted the number as 1871, and have not recovered the story after much rummaging. This ballad is not very unlike Russian bylinas.
158. HUGH SPENCER'S FEATS IN FRANCE
277
I wold know whether there shold be peace in his land, Or open warr kept still must bee.
4 ' Thou 'st haue thy shipp at thy comande,
Thou 'st neither want for gold nor ffee ; Thou 'st haue a hundred armed men, All att thy bidding ffor to bee.'
5 The wind itt serued, and they sayled,
And towards Ffrance thus they be gone ; The wind did bring them safe to shore, And safelye landed euerye one.
6 The Ffrenchmen lay on the castle-wall,
The English souldiers to behold : ' You are welcome, traitors, out of England ; The heads of you are bought and sold.'
7 With that spake proud Spencer :
My leege, soe itt may not bee ; I am sent an embassador
Ffrom our English king to yee.
8 The king of England greetes you well,
And hath sent this word by mee ; He wold know whether there shold be peace in your land, Or open warres kept still must bee.
9 ' Comend me to the English kinge,
And tell this now ffrom mee ; There shall neuer peace be kept in my land "While open warres kept there may bee.'
10 With that came downe the queene of Ffrance,
And an angry woman then was shee ; Saies, Itt had beene as ffitt now for a king
To be in his chamber with his ladye, Then to be pleading with traitors out of Eng- land,
Kneeling low vppon their knee.
1 1 But then bespake him proud Spencer,
For noe man else durst speake but hee : You haue not wiped yo?tr mouth, madam, Since I heard you tell a lye.
12 ' O hold thy tounge, Spencer ! ' shee said,
' I doe not come to plead with thee ; Darest thou ryde a course of warr
With a knight that I shall put to thee ? '
13 ' But euer alacke ! ' then Spencer sayd,
' I thinke I haue deserued Gods eursse ; Ffor I haue not any armour heere, Nor yett I haue noe iusting-horsse.'
14 ' Thy shankes,' quoth shee, ' beneath the knee
Are verry small aboue the shinne Ffor to doe any such honoKrablle deeds As the Englishmen say thou has done.
15 ' Thy shankes beene small aboue thy shoone,
And soe the beene aboue thy knee ; Thou art to slender euery way Any good iuster ffor to bee.'
16 ' But euer alacke,' said Spencer then,
' For one steed of the English countrye ! ' With that bespake and one Ffrench knight, This day thou 'st haue the choyce of three.
17 The first steed he ffeiched out,
I-wis he was milke-white ; The ffirst ffoot Spencer in stirropp sett, His backe did from his belly tyte.
18 The second steed that he ffeitcht out,
I-wis that hee was verry browne ; The second ffoot Spencer in stirropp settt, That horsse and man and all ffell downe.
19 The third steed that hee ffeitched out,
I-wis that he was verry black e ; The third ffoote Spencer into the stirropp sett, He leaped on to the geldings backe.
20 ' But euer alacke,' said Spencer then,
1 For one good steed of the English coun- trye ! Goe ffeitch me hither my old hacneye,
That I brought with me hither beyond the sea.'
21 But when his hackney there was brought,
Spencer a merry man there was hee ; Saies, With the grace of God and St George of England, The ffeild this day shall goe with mee.
22 ' I haue not fforgotten,' Spencer sayd,
' Since there was ffeild foughten att Wal- singam,
278
15m BUGH SPENCER'S FEATS IN FRANCE
When the liorsse did heare the trumpetts sound, He did beare ore both horsse and man.'
23 The day was sett, and togetther they mett,
With great mirth and melodye, With minstrells playing, and trumpetts sound- inge, With drumes striking loud and hye.
24 The ffirst race that Spencer run,
I-wis hee run itt wonderous sore ; He [hitt] the knight vpon his brest,
But his speare itt burst, and wold touch noe more.
25 ' But euer alacke,' said Spencer then,
' For one staffe of the English countrye ! Without you 'le bind me three together,' Qwoth hee, ' they 'le be to weake ffor mee.'
26 With that bespake him the Ffrench knight,
Sayes, Bind him together the whole thirty e, For I haue more strenght in my to hands Then is in all Spencers bodye.
27 ' But proue att parting,' Spencer sayes,
' Ffrench knight, here I tell itt thee ; For I will lay thee five to four The bigger man I proue to bee.'
28 But the day was sett, and together they mett,
With great mirth and melodye, With minstrells playing, and trumpetts sound- inge, With drummes strikeing loud and hye.
29 The second race that Spencer run,
I-wis hee ridd itt in much pride,
And he hitt the knight vpon the brest, And draue him ore his horsse beside.
30 But he run thorrow the Ffrench campe ;
Such a race was neuer run beffore ; He killed of YLiny Charles his men
Att hand of thirteen or fourteen score.
31 But he came backe againe to the K[ing],
And kneeled him downe vpon his knee ; Saies, A knight I haue slaine, and a steed I haue woone, The best that is in this countrye.
32 ' But nay, by my faith,' then said the Kiny,
' Spencer, soe itt shall not bee ; I 'le haue that traitors head of thine, To enter plea att my iollye.'
33 But Spencer looket him once about,
He had true bretheren left but four ; He killed ther of the Kinr/s gard About twelve or thirteen score.
34 ' But hold thy hands,' the ~K.ing doth say,
' Spencer, now I doe pray thee ; And I will goe into litle England, Vnto tluit cruell kinge with thee.'
35 ' Nay, by my ffaith,' Spencer sayd,
' My leege, for soe itt shall not bee ; For an you sett ffoot on English ground, You shall be hanged vpon a tree.'
36 ' Why then, comend [me] to that Englishe
kinge, And tell him thus now ffrom mee, That there shall neuer be open warres kept in
my land Whilest peace kept that there may bee.'
B
Percy Papers : communicated by the Duchess Dowager of Portland.
1 Our king lay at Westminster, as oft times he had done, And he sent for Hugh Spencer, to come to him anon.
2 Then in came Hugh Spencer,
low kneeling on his knee : 1 What 's the matter, my liege, you sent so speedily for me ? '
3 ' Why you must go ambassadour
to France now, to see Whether peace shall be taken, aye, or open wars must be.'
158. HUGH SrENCEIfS FEATS IN FRANCE
279
4 ' Who shall go with rne ? '
says Hugh Spencer, he: < That shall Hugh Willoughby
and John of Atherly.' ' O then,' says Hugh Spencer, ' we '11 be a merry company.'
5 When they came before the French king,
they kneeled low on the knee : • O rise up, and stand up, whose men soer you be.'
6 The first that made answer
was Hugh Spencer, he : ' We are English anibassadowrs,
come hither to see Whether peace shall be taken,
aye, or open wars must be.'
7 Then spoke the French king,
and he spoke courteously : The last time peace was broken, it was neer along of me.
8 For you sunk my ships, slew my men,
and thus did ye ; And the last time peace was broken, it was neer along of me.
9 Then in came Queen Maude,
and full as ill was she : ' A chamber of presence
is better for thee, Then amongst English shepherds,
low bending on the knee.'
10 The first that made answer
was Hugh Spencer, he : ' We are no English shepherds,
Queen Maude, I tell thee, But we 're knights, and knights fellows,
the worst man in our company.'
11 0 then spoke Queen Maude,
and full as ill was she : Thou shouldst be Hugh Spencer, thou talkst so boldly.
12 And if thou beest Hugh Spencer,
as well thou seemst to be, I 've oft heard of thy justling, and some of it would fain see.
13 I have a steed in my stable
that thou canst not ride ; I have a spear in my keeping
that thou canst not guide ; And I have a knight in my realm
that thou darest not abide.
14 Then Spencer askd Willoughby
and John of Atherly Whether he should take this justling in hand, aye, or let it be.
15 O then spoke Hugh Willoughby
and John of Atherly : If you won't take it [in] hand, why turn it unto we.
16 ' It shall neer be said in England,'
says Hugh Spencer, he, ' That I refused a good justling and turned it to ye.
17 ' Alas,' says Hugh Spencer,
' full sore may I moan, I have nought here but an ambler, my good steed 's at home.'
18 Then spoke a French knight,
and he spoke courteously : I have thirty steeds in my stables, the best of them take to thee.
19 ' Gramercy,' says Spencer,
1 aye, and gramercy ; If eer thou comest to England, well rewarded shalt thou be.'
20 The first steed they brought him,
he was a milk-white : ' Take that away,' says Spencer, ' for I do not him like.'
21 The next steed they brought him,
he was a good dun : ' Take that away,' says Spencer, ' for he 's not for my turn.'
22 The next steed they brought him,
he was a dapple-grey : ' Take that away,' says Spencer, ' for he is not used to the way.'
280
I5M HUGH SPENCER'S FEATS IN FRANCE
23 The next steed they brought him,
lie was a coal-black ; His eyes burnt in his head,
as if fire were in flax ; ' Come saddle me that horse,' says Spencer,
' for I '11 have none but that.'
24 When that horse was saddled,
and Spencer got on, With his spear at his foot, O he was portly man !
25 ' Now I am on that steede-baclc
that I could not ride, That spear in my keeping
that I could not guide, Come shew me that French knight
that I dare not abide.'
2G ' It is a sign by thy sharp shin,
ay, and thy cropped knee, That you are no fit match
to justle with me : ' ' Why it makes no matter,' says Spencer,
' you hear no brags of me.'
27 The first time they rode together,
now Sir Hugh and he,
He turnd him in his saddle
like an apple on a tree.
28 The next time they rode together,
now Sir Hugh and he, He lit upon his breast-plate,
and he broke his spear in three.
29 ' A spear now,' says Spencer,
' a spear now get me : ' 'Thou shalt have one,' says Willoughby, ' if in France one there be.'
30 ' O tye two together,
and the stronger they '1 be, For the French is the better, and the better shall be : '
' Why it makes no matter,' says Spencer, ' you hear no brags of me.'
31 The next time they rode together,
now Sir Hugh and he, He threw him fifteen foot from his saddle,
and he broke his back in three : * Now I have slain thy justler,
Queen Maude, I tell thee.'
32 O then spoke Queen Maude,
and full as ill was she : If thou 'st slain my justler,
by the Kings laws thou 'st dye.
33 ' It shall neer be said in England,'
says Hugh Spencer, he ; 4 It shall neer be said in England,' says Hugh Willoughby ;
34 ' It shall neer be said in England,'
says John of Atherly, ' That a queen of another nation eer had her will of we.'
35 They laid their heads together,
and their backs to the wall ; There were four score of the Queen's guards, and they slew them all.
36 Then spoke the French king,
and he spoke courteously : 0 hold thy hand, Spencer, I dearly pray thee.
37 Thou art sharp as thy spear,
and as fierce as thy steed, And the stour of thy lilly-white hand makes my heart bleed.
38 Thou hadst twenty ships hither,
thou 'st have twenty away ; Then hold thy hand, Spencer, I dearly thee pray.
K.
158. HUGH SPENCER'S FEATS IN FRANCE
281
Dr Joseph Kobertson's Jon rnal of Excursions, No 4 ; taken down from a, man iu the parish of Leochel, Aberdeenshire, 12 February, 1829.
1 It fell about the Martinmas time
The wind blew loud and cauld, And all the knichts of fair Scotland They drew them to sum hald.
2 Unless it was him young Sir Hugh,
And he beet to sail the sea, Wi a letter between twa kings, to see an they
wald lat down the wars, And live and lat them be.
3 On Friday shipped he, and lang
Ere "Wodensday at noon In fair France landed he,
4 He fell down before the King, On his bare knees : ' Gude mak ye safe and soun ; '
' Fat news o your contrie ? ' he says.
9 O girths they brak, and great horse lap,
But still sat he on he : ' A girth, a girth,' says young Sir Hugh,
' A girth for charity ! ' ' O every girth that you shall have,
Its <rude lord shall hae three.'
10 The nexten steed that he drew out,
He was the penny-brown ; He wad hae ridden oer meel or mor As ever the dew drap down.
11 O bridles brak, and great horse lap,
But still sat he on he : 1 A bridle, a bridle,' says young Sir Hugh,
' A bridle for charitie ! ' 4 O every bridle that you shall have,
And its gude lord shall have three.'
12 The nexten steed that he drew out
He was the raven-black ; His een was glancin in his head
Like wild-fire in a slack; ' Get here a boy,' says young Sir Hugh,
' Cast on the saddle on that.'
5 ' The news o our countrie,' he says,
' Is but news brought over the sea, To see an ye '11 lat down the wars, And live and lat them be.'
6 ' Deed no,' he says ;
' I 'm but an auld man indeed, But I '11 no lat down the wars, And live and lat them be.'
7 It 's out it spak the Queen hersel : I have a
shepherd's sin Would fight an hour wi you ; ' And by my seeth,' says young Sir Hugh, ' That sight fain would I see.'
8 The firsten steed that he drew out,
He was the penny-gray ; He wad hae ridden oer meel or mor A leve-lang summer's day.
13 O brands there brak, and great horse lap,
But still sat he on he : 4 A brand, a brand,' says young Sir Hugh,
' A brand for charitie ! ' ' O every brand that you sail have,
And its gude lord sail have three.'
14 He gave him a dep unto the heart,
And over the steed fell he : ' I rather had gane you money,' she says,
' And free lands too, That ye had foughten an hour wi him,
And than had latten him be.'
15 ' If ye hae ony mair shepherd's sins,' he says,
' Or cooks i your kitchie, Or ony mair dogs to fell,
Ye '11 bring them here to me ; And gin they be a true-hearted Scotsman,
They '11 no be scorned by thee.'
A. 43. 100. 51-8. They.
61. walls ? There is a tag at the end of this word in the MS. Furnivall.
16*. of 3. 174. MS., tylpe, with the 1 crossed
at top. Furnivall. 181'8. 2?. 182. I should read berry-browne
were it not for verry blacke in 192.
vol. in.
282
159. DURHAM FIELD
191'8. 3d. 25*. 3.
262. 30tyc. 278. 5 to 4. 291. 2?.
304. 13 or 14.
32*. No emendation of this unintelligible line
occurs to me. 332. 4. 338. therof. 334. 2 or 3 : cf. 304, and observe the metre.
358. for on : seitt or settt.
Arid for & always. O. 144. too : pronounced tee.
15. The shepherd's son was the Queen's own son : comment of the reciter. I do not understand the last two lines; indeed they are obviously corrupt.
159
DURHAM FIELD
♦Durham ffeilde,' Percy MS., p. 245; Hales and Furnivall, II, 190.
While Edward Third was absent in France, and for the time engaged with the siege of Calais, David Bruce, the young king of Scot- land, at the instance of Philip of Valois, but also because he "yearned to see fighting," invaded England with a large army. Having taken by storm the Border castle of Liddel, he was advised by William of Douglas to turn back, which, it was represented by Douglas, he could do with credit after this suc- cess. Other lords said that Douglas had rilled his bags, but theirs were toom, and that the way lay open to London, for there were no men left in England but souters, skinners, and traders.* The Scots moved on to Dur- ham, and encamped in a park not far from the town, in a bad position. In the mean while a powerful force had been collected by the northern nobility and the English churchmen, without the knowledge of the Scots. William of Douglas, going out to forage, rode straight to the ground where his foes lay, and in the attempt to retreat lost five hundred of his men. King David drew up his army in three divisions : one under his own command, an- other under the Earl of Murray and William Douglas, the third under the Steward of Scot-
* Presbyteri, fratres ct clerici, sutores et mechanici, Bower ; agricola: ac pastores, et capellani imbecilles et de- crepiti, Knyghton ; miseri monacbi, improbi presbyteri, por-
land and the Earl of March. The opera- tions of the Scots were impeded by the ditches and fences that traversed the ground on which they stood, and their situation made them an almost helpless mark for the ten thousand archers of the English army. Mur- ray's men were completely routed by a charge of cavalry, and their leader killed. The English then fell upon the King's division, which, after a desperate fight, was " van- quished utterly." David, who had received two wounds from arrows, was taken prisoner by John Copland, " by force, not yolden," after knocking out two of the Englishman's teeth with a knife. Wyntoun's Chronykil, ed. Laing, II, 470 ff ; Scotichronicon, ed. Goodall, II, 339 ff. The battle was fought on the 17th of October, 1346.
According to the English chronicle of Lanercost, John of Douglas, 'germanus do- mini Willelmi,' fought with the Earl of Mur- ray in the first Scottish division, and the Earl of Buchan was associated with King David in the command of the second. The English were also in three bodies. The leaders of the first were the Earl of Angus, ' inter omnes Anglias nobilis persona,' Henry Percy, Ralph
corum pastores, sutores et pelliparii, Chronicon de Laner- cost ; clericos et pastores, Walsingham, Hist. Angl.
159. DURHAM FIELD 283
Neville, and Henry Scrope ; the Archbishop The commanders on the English side are of York led the second ; Mowbray, Rokeby, the Bishop of Durham, Earl Percy, the Arc-h- and John of Copland were in the third. Ed. bishop of York, the Bishop of Carlisle, and Stevenson, pp. 849-51. " Lord Fluwilliams." § The Bishop of Dur- David, in the ballad, proposes to himself ham orders that no man shall fight before nothing less than the conquest of England he has 'served his God,' and five hundred and the distribution of the territory among priests say mass in the field who afterwards his chief men. He is not a youth of twenty- take part in the fray. (The monks of Dur- two ; William Douglas has served him four ham, Knyghton tells us, had made terms with and thirty years. Still he will brook no the Scots, and were to pay a thousand pounds advice, and kills his own squire for warning for ransom-money the next day ; and so, when him of the danger of his enterprise. The they saw the Scots yielding, they raised their Earl of Angus is to lead the van ; but Angus, voices in a Te Deum, which sounded to the as we have seen, was engaged on the other clouds and quickened the courage of the side. The title of Angus might have de- English.) The king of Scots is wounded by ceived the minstrel, but it was hardly to be an arrow through his nose, and, stepping aside expected that Neville should be turned into to bleed, is taken prisoner by John of Cop- a Scot as he is in st. 17. Angus, and also land, whom he first smites angrily. Copland 1 Vaughan,' that is Baughan, or Buchan,* are sets the king on a palfrey and leads him to be in the king's coat-armor, sts 11, 13, im- to London. King Edward, newly arrived itating Blunt and the rest at Shrewsbury, and from France, asks him how he likes the shep- the five false Richmonds at Bosworth. Jamesf herds, millers, and priests. There 's not a Douglas offers to lead the van, 14 ; so does yeoman in England, says David, but he is William Douglas in 21. An Englishman worth a Scottish knight. Aye, says King who does not know a Neville would surely not Edward, laughing, that is because you were be very precise about a Douglas, and it must fighting against the right. Shortly after this be conceded that the Douglases have not the Black Prince brings the king of France always been kept perfectly distinct by his- captive from the field of Poitiers. Says torians. James Douglas, whoever he may be David to John, Welcome, brother, but I would supposed to be, " went before ; " that is, he I had gone to Rome ! And I, would I had plays the part which belongs historically to the gone to Jerusalem ! replies John. Thus ends Knight of Liddesdale, loses all his men, and the battle of Durham, fought, says the min- returns, with an arrow in his thigh, to report strel, on a morning of May, sts 27, 64, and that one Englishman is worth five Scots : within the same month as the battles of Crecy 26-33.$ But the Scots, even at that rate, and Poitiers. || Though Poitiers was fought have the advantage, for a herald, sent out to ten years after Durham, the king of Scots reconnoitre, tells their king that they are ten and the king of France no doubt met in to one. London, for John was taken thither in April,
* It is very doubtful whether there was an Earl of Buchan J When William Douglas, in the Chronicle of Lanercost, in 1346. Henry de Beaumont, according to the peerages, tells the king that the English are at hand, and David re- died in 1341. He was an Englishman, had fought against plies, there is nothing in England but monks, priests, swine- the Scots at Duplin, 1332, and was after that in the service herds, etc., Douglas says, 'alitcr invenietis; sunt varii validi of Edward III. viri.'
t 'Famous,' the MS. reading in 141, may probably be an § Froissart says that the English force was in four battal-
error for James, which occurs so often in 28-33. William ions : the first commanded by the Bishop of Durham and
Douglas, the Knight of Liddesdale, had a brother James, Lord Percy ; the second by the Archbishop of York and
but this James had been killed in 1335. lie had also a Lord Neville ; the third by the Bishop of Lincoln and Lord
brother John, Scotichronicon and Chronicon de Lanercoste, Mowbray ; the fourth by Edward Balliol and the Arch-
and the latter, as has been mentioned, puts John in Murray's bishop of Canterbury.
division. Knyghton, col. 2590, gives as among the prisoners || Cre'ey, 2G August, 1346 ; Durham, 17 October, 1346;
dominus Willielmus Duglas et frater ejusdem Willielmi. Poitiers, 19 September, 1356.
284
159. DURHAM FIELD
13f)7, and David was not released from bis captivity until the following November.
Stanza 18 affords us an upper limit for a date. Lord Hambleton is said to be of the king's kin full nigh. James Hamilton, the
first lord, married the princess Mary, sister of James III, in 1474, and his descendants were the next heirs to the throne after the Stewarts, whose line was for a time but barely kept up.
1 Lordinges, listen, and hold you still ;
Hearken to me a litle ; I shall you tell of the fairest hattell That euer in England beffell.
2 For as it befell in Edward the Thirds dayes,
In England, where he ware the crowne, Then all the cheefe chiualry of England They busked and made them bowne.
3 They chosen all the best archers
That in England might be found, And all was to fight with the \ing of Ff ranee, Within a litle stounde.
4 And when our ki?ig was oner the water,
And on the salt sea gone, Then tydings into Scotland came That all England was gone.
5 Bowes and arrowes they were all forth,
At home was not left a man But shepards and millers both, And preists with shauen crownes.
6 Then the king of Scotts in a study stood,
As he was a man of great might ; He sware he wold hold his parlameȣ in leeue London, If he cold ryde there right.
7 Then bespake a squier, of Scottland borne,
And sayd, My leege, apace, Before you come to leeue London, Full sore you 'le rue that race.
8 Ther beene bold yeomen in merry England,
Husbandmen stiffe and strong; Sharpe swords they done weare, Bearen bowes and arrowes longe.
9 The King was angrye at that word ;
A long sword out hee drew,
And there befor his royall companye His owne squier hee slew.
10 Hard hansell had the Scottes that day,
That wrought them woe enoughe, For then durst not a Scott speake a word Ffor hanging att a boughe.
11 ' The Earle of Anguish, where art thou ?
In my coate-armor thou shalt bee, And thou shalt lead the forward Thorrow the English countrye.
12 ' Take thee Yorke,' then sayd the King,
1 In stead wheras it doth stand ; I 'le make thy eldest sonne after thee "Heyre of all Northumberland.
13 ' The Earle of Vaughan, where be yee ?
In my coate-armor thou shalt bee ; The high Peak and Darbyshire I giue it thee to thy fee.'
14 Then came in famous Douglas,
Saies, What shall my meede bee ? And I 'le lead the vawward, lord, Thorow the English countrye.
15 ' Take thee Worster,' sayd the King,
, ' Tuxburye, Killingworth, Burton vpon
Trent ; Doe thou not say another day
But I haue giuen thee lands and rent.
16 ' Sir RicharrZ of Edenborrow, where are yee ?
A wise man in this warr ! I 'le giue thee Bristow and the sliire The time that wee come there.
17 ' My lord Nevill, where beene yee ?
You must in this warres bee ; I 'le giue thee Shrewsburye,' saies the King, ' And Couentrye faire and free.
159. DURHAM FIELD
585
18 'My lord of Hambleton, where art thou?
Thou art of my kin full nye ; I le giue thee Lincolne and Lincolneshire, And that 's enouge for thee.'
19 By then came in William Douglas,
As breeme as any bore ; He kneeled him downe vpon his knees, In his hart he sighed sore.
20 Saies, I haue serued you, my louelye leege,
This thirty winters and four, And in the Marches betweene England and
Scottland I haue beene wounded and beaten sore.
21 For all the good service that I haue done,
What shall my meed bee ? And I will lead the vanward Thorrow the English countrye.
22 ' Aske on, Douglas,' said the king,
' And granted it shall bee : ' ' Why then, I aske litle London,' saies William Douglas, 1 Gotten giff that it bee.'
23 The King was wrath, and rose away,
Saies, Nay, that cannot bee ! For that I will keepe for my cheefe chamber, Gotten if it bee.
24 But take thee North Wales and Weschaster,
The cuntrye all round about, And rewarded thou shalt bee, Of that take thou noe doubt.
25 Fiue score knights he made on a day,
And dubbd them with, his hands ; Rewarded them right worthilye
Wtth the townes in merry England.
20 And when the fresh knights they were made, To battell the buske them bowne ; lames Douglas went before,
And he thought to haue wonnen him shoone.
27 But the were mett in a morning of May
With the comwinaltye of litle England ; But there scaped neuer a man away, Through the might of Christes hand.
28 But all onely Tames Douglas;
In Durham in the ffeild
An arrow stroke him in the thye ; Fast flinge[s he] towards the King.
29 The King looked toward litle Durham,
Saies, All things is not well ! For lames Dowglas beares an arrow in his thye, The head of it is of Steele.
30 ' How now lames ? ' then said the King,
' How now, how may this bee ? And where beene all thy merrymen That thou tooke hence with thee ? '
31 ' But cease, my king,' saies lames Douglas,
' Aliue is not left a man ! ' ' Now by my faith,' saies the king of Scottes, ' That gate was euill gone.
32 ' But I 'le reuenge thy quarrell well,
And of that thou may be fame ; For one Scott will beate fiue Englishmen, If the meeten them on the plaine.'
33 ' Now hold your tounge,' saies lames Douglas,
' For in faith that is not soe ; For one English man is worth fiue Scotts, When they meeten together thoe.
34 ' For they are as egar men to fight
As a faulcon vpon a pray ; Alas ! if exxer the winne the vanward, There scapes noe man away.'
35 ' O peace thy talking,' said the King,
1 They bee but English knaues, But shepards and millers both, And preists with their staues.'
30 The King sent forth one of his heralds of armes To vew the Englishmen : ' Be of good cheere,' the herald said, ' For against one wee bee ten.'
37 ' Who leades those ladds ? ' said the king of
Scottes, ' Thou herald, tell thou mee : ' The herald said, The Bishopp of Durham Is captaine of that companye.
38 ' For the Bishopp hath spred the King's banner,
And to battell he buskes him bowne : '
286
159. DURHAM FIELD
' I sweare by St. Andrewes bones,' saies tbe King, ' I 'le rapp that preist on tbe crowne.'
39 The King looked towards litle Durham,
And that bee well beheld, That the Earle Percy was well armed, With his battell-axe entred the feild.
40 The King looket againe towards litle Durham,
Four ancyents there see hee ; There were to standards, six in a valley, He cold not see them with his eye.
41 My Lord of Yorke was one of them,
My Lord of Carlile was the other, And my Lord Ffluwilliams, The one came with the other.
42 The Bishopp of Durham commanded his men,
And shortlye he them bade, That neue?* a man shold goe to the feild to fight Till he had serued his God.
43 Fiue hundred preists said masse that day
In Durham in the feild, And afterwards, as I hard say, They bare both speare and sheeld.
44 The Bishopp of Durham orders himselfe to
fight. With his battell-axe in his hand ; He said, This day now I will fight As long as I can stand !
45 ' And soe will I,' sayd my LonZ of Carlile,
' In this faire morning gay ; ' ' And soe will I,' said my ~Lord Ffluwilliams, ' For Mary, that my Id may.'
46 Our English archers bent their bowes
Shortlye and anon ; They shott ouer the Scottish oast And scantlye toucht a man.
47 ' Hold downe yowr hands,' sayd the Bishopp
of Durham, ' My archers good and true : ' The second shoote that the shott, Full sore the Scottes itt rue.
48 The Bishopp of Durham spoke on hye,
That both partyes might heare :
' Be of good cheere, my merrymen all,
The Scotts flyen, and changen there cheere.'
49 But as the saidden, soe the didden,
They fell on heapes hye ; Our Englishmen laid on with their bowes, As fast as they might dree.
50 The king of Scotts in a studye stood
Amongst his companye ; An arrow stoke him thorrow the nose, And thorrow his armorye.
51 The King went to a marsh-side
And light beside his steede ; He leaned him downe on his sword-hilts, To let his nose bleede.
52 There followed him a yeaman of merry Eng-
land, His name was Iohn of Coplande : ' Yeeld thee, traytor ! ' saies Coplande then, ' Thy liffe lyes in my hand.'
53 ' How shold I yeeld me,' sayes the King,
' And thou art noe gentleman ? ' ' Noe, by my troth,' sayes Copland there, ' I am but a poore yeaman.
54 ' What art thou better then I, Sir King ?
Tell me if that thou can ! What art thou better then I, Sir King, Now we be but man to man ? '
55 The King smote angerly at Copland then,
Angerly in that stonde ; And then Copland was a bold yeaman, And bore the Ki»^7 to the ground.
56 He sett the King upon a palfrey,
Himselfe upon a steede ; He tooke him by the bridle-rayne, Towards London he can him lead.
57 And when to London that he came,
The King from Ffrance was new come home, And there unto the king of Scottes He sayd these words anon.
58 ' How like you my shepards and my millers ?
My priests with shaven crownes ? '
159. DUIIHAM FIELD
287
'By iny fayth, they are the sorest fighting men That ever I mett on the ground.
59 ' There was never a yeaman in merry England
But he was worth a Scottish knight : ' 'I, by my troth,' said King Edward, and laughe, ' For you fought all against the right.'
60 But now the prince of merry England,
Worthilye under his sheelde, Hath taken the king of Ff ranee, At Poytiers in the ffeelde.
61 The prince did present his father with that
food, The louely king off Ff ranee, And fforward of his iourney he is gone : God send us all good chance !
62 ' You are welcome, brother ! ' sayd the king of
Scotts, to the king of Ff ranee, ' For I am come hither to soone ;
Christ leeve that I had taken my way Unto the court of lloome ! '
63 ' And soe wold I,' said the king of Ff ranee,
' When I came over the streame, That I had taken my iourney Unto Ierusalem ! '
64 Thus ends the battell of ffaire Durham,
In one morning of May, The battell of Cressey, and the battle of Fotyers, All within one monthes day.
65 Then was welthe and welfare in mery Eng-
land, Solaces, game, and glee, And every man loved other well,
And the King loved good yeoman rye.
66 But God that made the grasse to growe,
And leaves on greenwoode tree,
Now save and keepe our noble king,
And maintaine good yeomanry !
II8
121 131,
152 202 323
l2. a litle spell ?
Furnivall.
And for & throughout. I1. Perhaps lesten : yo. 21. 3ds. 83. sharpes.
forward lias a tag to the d.
thy for thee.
in Earle the 1 is made over an e. Furnivall.
Tuxburye doubtful in the MS.
30 : 4. 25. 5 score. 311. Janes.
333. 5. After 39. 2d part. 402. 4.
403. 6. 431. 500. 441. Durham 473. 2d.
621. brothers.
6Q. Pencil note in Percy's late hand.
This and 2 following leaves being unfortunately torn out, in sending the subsequent piece [' King Estmere '] to the press, the conclusion of the preceding ballad has been carefully tran- scribed ; and indeed the fragments of the other leaves ought to have been so.
288
160. THE KNIGHT OF LIDDESDALE
160
THE KNIGHT OF LIDDESDALE
Hume of Godscroft, History of the Houses of Douglas and Angus, 1644, p. 77.
William Douglas, the Knight of Liddes- dale, who figures in the foregoing ballad, was assassinated in 1353, while hunting in Ettrick forest, by his kinsman and godson, Lord Wil- liam Douglas.
According to the Scotichronicon, the motive was said to be revenge for Alexander Ramsay, one of the first men among the Scots, whom Liddesdale had assaulted while he was holding a court, wounded, carried off, and suffered to die by starving; and for Sir David Berkeley, whom Liddesdale was charged with procuring to be murdered in 1350, in return for the death of his brother, Sir John Douglas, brought to pass by Berkeley. (Scotichroni- con, ed. Goodall, II, 348, 335, xiv, 8, xni, 50, xiv, 7.)
Hume of Godscroft considers the motive assigned to be quite unnatural, and at best a pretence. A ballad known to him gave a different account. " The Lord of Liddesdale, being at his pastime, hunting in Attrick forest, is beset by William Earle of Douglas, and such as hee had ordained for that purpose, and there assailed, wounded, and slain, beside Galsewood, in the yeare 1353 ; upon a jeal- ousie that the Earle had conceived of him with his lady, as the report goeth, for so sayes the old song." After citing the stanza which follows, Hume goes on to say : " The song also declareth how shee did write her love- letters to Liddisdale, to disswade him from that hunting. It tells likewise the manner of the taking of his men, and his owne killing at Galsewood, and how hee was carried the first night to Lindin Kirk, a mile from Sel- kirk, and was buried within the Abbacie of Melrosse."
" The sole basis for this statement of
Hume's," says Sir William Eraser, The Doug- las Book, I, 223 f, 1885, "seems to be the anonymous Border ballad, part of which he quotes, to which he adds the tradition that the lady wrote to her lover to dissuade him from that hunting. Apart from the fact that this tradition is opposed to contemporary his- tory, which states that Sir William was wholly unsuspicious of danger, the story told by Godscroft is otherwise erroneous. He as- sumes that Douglas was made earl in 1346, and that he was married to a daughter of the Earl of March, neither of which assumptions is true. Douglas was not created earl until 26th January, 1357-8, and there was there- fore no ' Countess of Douglas ' to wait for the Knight of Liddesdale. Douglas's only wife was Lady Margaret of Mar, who survived him. The exact date of their marriage has not been ascertained, but it is certain that Douglas had no countess of the family of March in 1353, while it is doubtful if at that date he was married at all. Popular tradi- tion is therefore at fault in assigning matri- monial jealousy as a motive for killing the Knight of Liddesdale."
"Some fragments of this ballad are still current, and will be found in the ensuing work," says Scott, Minstrelsy, I, 221, note, ed. 1833. It may be that Sir Walter became convinced that these fragments were not gen- uine ; at any rate, they do not appear in his collection.
The Countesse of Douglas out of her boure she came,
And loudly there that she did call : ' It is for the Lord of Liddesdale
That I let all these teares downe fall.'
161. THE BATTLE OF OTTERBUKN 289
161
THE BATTLE OF OTTERBURN
A. a. Cotton MS. Cleopatra, C. iv, leaf 24, of about C. Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border, 1833, I, 354. 1550. b. Harleian MS. 293, leaf 52. Both in the
British Museum. D. Finlay's Scottish Ballads, I, xviii f., two stanzas.
B. a. Herd's MSS, I, 149, II, 30 ; Herd's Seottish E. Motherwell's Minstrelsy, p. lxxi, note 30, one Songs, 1776, I, 153. b. Minstrelsy of the Scottish stanza.
Border, 1802, I, 31.
A a was first printed in the fourth edition These agents reported that all Scotland was
of Percy's Reliques, 1794, I, 18, and A b in astir, and that there was to be another parley
the first edition, 1765, I, 18. in the forest of Jedburgh. The barons and
By far the most circumstantial account of knights of Northumberland made due prepa-
the battle of Otterburn is given by Froissart rations, and, the better to keep these secret,
(Chroniques, Buchon, XI, 362 ff, chap. 115 If), remained quiet in their houses, ready to sally
and his highly felicitous narrative may be as soon as they learned that the Scots were
briefly summarized as follows. in motion. Feeling themselves incapable of
The quarrels of Richard II with his uncles coping with so large a body as had been col-
and a consequent feud between the great lected, they decided upon a simultaneous
northern families of Neville and Percy fur- counter-raid, and that from the east or from
nished the Scots an inviting opportunity for the west, according as the enemy should take
an invasion of England on a large scale, the road from the west or the east. Of this
Under the pretext of a festive meeting, a plan of the English the Scots obtained knowl-
preliminary conference of barons and knights edge from a spy whom they had captured, and
was held at Aberdeen, and it was there agreed to foil it they divided their army, directing the
that they should muster, the middle of Au- main body towards Carlisle, under command
gust, 1388, at a place on the border near of Archibald Douglas, of the Earl of Fife,
Jedburgh, with such forces as they could son of the king, and many other nobles, while
command. In all this they took no counsel a detachment of three or four hundred picked
with the king, who was then past seventy, men-at-arms, supported by two thousand stout
and was regarded as of no account for their fellows, partly archers, all well mounted,* and
purposes. The result was a larger gathering commanded by James, Earl of Douglas, the
than had been seen for sixty years, quite Earl of March and Dunbar, and the Earl of
twelve hundred lances and forty thousand Murray, were to strike for Newcastle, cross
ordinary fighting-men. the river, and burn and ravage the bishopric
The Earl of Northumberland and his sons, of Durham,
the Seneschal of York, and the Captain of The eastern division (with which alone we
Berwick had heard of the intended meeting are concerned) carried out their program to
at Aberdeen, and had sent heralds and min- the letter. They advanced at speed, stopping
strels thither, to get further information, for nothing, and meeting with no resistance,
* "Froissart describes a Scottish host of the same period lytic hackeneys, the wliichc were never tyed nor kept at
as consisting of ' .iiii. M. of armes, knightis and squiers, hard mcate, but lette go to pasture in the feldis and bussh-
mounted on good horses, and other .x. M. men of warre, es.' " Happily cited by Scott, in illustration of C 10: Lord
armed after their gyse, right hardy and firse, mounted on Berners' translation, cap. xvii, Pynson, 1523, fol. viii. vol. in. 37
290 1M. THE BATTLE OF OTTERBUKN
and the burning and pillaging had begun in marshes, which was on the Newcastle road, Durham before the Earl of Northumberland they put their servants and foragers, and they knew of their arrival. Fire and smoke soon drove their cattle into the bogs. showed what was going on. The earl dis- Henry Percy was greatly vexed and mor- patched his sons Henry and Ralph Percy to tified at the loss of his pennon, and in the Newcastle, where the whole country rallied, evening he represented to the knights and gentle and simple ; he himself remaining at squires of Northumberland how much it con- Alnwick, in the hope of being able to enclose cerned his honor to make good what he had the Scots, when they should take the way said to Douglas, that the pennon should never north, between two bodies of English. The be carried out of England. But these gentle- Scots attained to the very gates of Durham ; men were all convinced that Douglas was then, having burned every unfortified town backed by the whole power of Scotland, of between there and Newcastle, they turned which they had seen only the van, by forty northward, with a large booty, repassed the thousand men who could handle them at their Tyne, and halted at Newcastle. There was will ; at any rate, it was better to lose a pen- skirmishing for two days before the city, and non than two or three hundred knights and in the course of a long combat between Doug- squires, and expose the country to risk. As las and Henry Percy the Scot got possession for the loss of the pennon, it was one of the of the Englishman's pennon. This he told chances of arms ; Douglas had won it hand- Percy he would raise on the highest point of somely ; another time Percy would get as his castle at Dalkeith ; Percy answered that much from him, or more.* To this the he should never accomplish that vaunt, nor Percys were fain to yield. Later there came should he carry the pennon out of Northum- scouts with information that Douglas was berland. ' Come then to-night and win it encamped at Otterburn, that the main army back,' said Douglas ; ' I will plant it before was not acting in conjunction with him, and my tent.' It was then late, and the fighting that his forces, all told, did not exceed three ceased ; but the Scots kept good guard, look- thousand. Henry Percy was overjoyed at ing for Percy to come that very night for his the news, and cried, To horse ! by the faith I pennon. Percy, however, was constrained to owe to God and my father, I will go seek my let that night pass. pennon, and the Scots shall be ousted before The Scots broke up their camp early the this night is over. The evening of that same next morning and withdrew homewards. Tak- day the Bishop of Durham was expected to ar- ing and burning the tower and town of Ponte- rive with a great many men, but Henry Percy land on their way, they moved on to Otterburn, would not wait. Six hundred lances and thirty miles northwest from Newcastle, where eight thousand foot were enough, he said, to there was a strong castle or tower, in marshy serve the Scots, who had but three hundred ground, which they assailed for a day without lances and two thousand other folk. The success. At the end of the day they held a English set forth as soon as they could get council, and the greater part were in favor of together, by the road which the Scots had making for Carlisle in the morning, to rejoin taken, but were not able to move very fast their countrymen. But the Earl of Douglas by reason of their infantry, would not hear of this; Henry Percy had Some of the Scots knights were supping, said that he would challenge his pennon ; and more were asleep (for they had had hard they would stay two or three days more and work at the assault on the tower, and were assault the castle, and see if Percy would be meaning to be up betimes to renew the at- as good as his word. So the Scots encamped tack), when the English were upon the camp, at their ease, making themselves huts of trees, crying, Percy ! Percy ! There was naturally and availing themselves of the marshes to
<• ,•<■ ,i • •,• » -l j.i j. e .li * A consolation as old as wise. So Paris, for himself:
iortirv their position. At the entrance of the , ., , to , . Tr , . „„„
J r vikt) 5 f7royU€ij3eTai avopas, Iliad, vi, 339.
161. THE BATTLE OF OTTERBURN 291
great alarm. The English made their attack other in the chest, another in the thigh, and
at that part of the camp where, as before said, borne to the ground. The English did not
the servants and foragers were lodged. This know that it was Earl Douglas that had fallen;
was, however, strong, and the knights sent they would have been so much elated that the
some of their men to hold it while they them- day would have been theirs. Neither did the
selves were arming. Then the Scots formed, Scots ; if they had, they would have given
each under his own earl and captain. It was up in despair. Douglas could not raise him-
night, but the weather was fair and the moon self from the ground, for he was wounded to
shining. The Scots did not go straight for the death. The crush about him was great,
the English, but took their way along by the but his people had kept as close to him as
marshes and by a hill, according to a plan they could. His cousin, Sir James Lindsay,
which they had previously arranged against reached the spot where he was lying, and with
the case that their camp should be attacked. Lindsay Sir John and Sir Walter Sinclair, and
The English made short work with the under- other knights and squires. Near him, and
lings, but, as they advanced, always found severely wounded, they found his chaplain,
fresh people to keep up a skirmish. And William of North Berwick, who had kept up
now the Scots, having executed a flank move- with his master the whole night, axe in hand ;
ment, fell upon their assailants in a mass, also Sir Robert Hart, with five wounds from
from a quarter where nothing was looked for, lances and other weapons. Sir John Sinclair
shouting their battle-cries with one voice, asked the earl, Cousin, how fares it with you ?
The English were astounded, but closed up, ' Indifferently,' said the earl ; ' praised be
and gave them Percy ! for Douglas ! Then God, few of my ancestors have died in their
began a fell battle. The English, being in beds. Avenge me, for I count myself dead,
excess and eager to win, beat back the Scots, Walter and John Sinclair, up with my banner,
who were at the point of being worsted. James and cry, Douglas ! and let neither friend nor
Douglas, who was young, strong, and keen foe know of my state.' The two Sinclaii's
for glory, sent his banner to the front, with and Sir John Lindsay did as they were bid-
the cry, Douglas ! Douglas ! Henry and den, raised the banner, and shouted, Douglas !
Ralph Percy, indignant against the earl for They were far to the front, but others, who
the loss of the pennon, turned in the direction were behind, hearing the shout loudly re-
of the cry, responding, Percy ! Knights and peated, charged the English with such valor
squires had no thought but to fight as long as as to drive them beyond the place where
spears and axes would hold out. It was a Douglas now lay dead, and came up with the
hand-to-hand fight ; the parties were so close banner which Sir John Lindsay was bearing,
together that the archers of neither could begirt and supported by good Scots knights
operate ; neither side budged, but both stood and squires. The Earl of Murray came up
firm. The Scots showed extraordinary valor, too, and the Earl of March and Dunbar as
for the English were three to one ; but be this well, and they all, as it were, took new life
said without disparagement of the English, when they saw that they were together and
who have always done their duty. that the English were giving ground. Once
As has been said, the English were so more was the combat renewed. The English
strong that they were forcing their foes back, had the disadvantage of the fatigue of a rapid
and this James Douglas saw. To regain the march from Newcastle, by reason whereof
ground, he took a two-handed axe, plunged their will was better than their wind, whereas
into the thickest, and opened a path before the Scots were fresh ; and the effects appeared
him ; for there was none so well ai"med in in this last charge, in which the Scots drove
helmet or plate as not to fear his strokes. So the English so far back that they could not
he made his way till he was hit by three recover their lost ground. Sir Ralph Percy
spears, all at once, one in the shoulder, an- had already been taken prisoner. Like Doug-
292
101. THE BATTLE OP OTTERBURN
las, he had advanced so far as to be sur- rounded, and being so badly wounded that his hose and boots were full of blood, he sur- rendered to Sir John Maxwell. Henry Percy, after a valorous fight with the Lord Mont- gomery, became prisoner to the Scottish knight.
It was a hard battle and well fought, but such are the turns of fortune that, although the English were the greater number, and all bold men and practised in arms, and although they attacked the enemy valiantly, and at first drove them back a good distance, the Scots in the end won the day. The losses of the English were put by their antagonists at 1040 prisoners, 1860 killed in the fight and the pursuit, and more than 1000 wounded ; those of the Scots were about 100 killed and 200 captured.* The Scots retired without mol- estation, taking the way to Melrose Abbey, where they caused the Earl of Douglas to be interred, and his obsequies to be reverently performed. Over his body a tomb of stone was built, and above this was raised the earl's banner.
Such is the story of the battle of Otter- burn, fought on Wednesday, the 19th day of August,! in the year of grace 1388, as related by Froissart (with animated tributes to the hardihood and generosity of both parties) upon the authority of knights and squires
* Buchanan has these numbers, with the exception of 1840, for 1860, killed : ed. 15S2, fol. 101. " That there was a memorable slaughter in this affair, a slaughter far be- yond the usual proportion to the numbers engaged, cannot be doubted ; nor was there ever bloodshed more useless for the practical ends of war. It all came of the capture of the Percy's pennon. The Scots might have got clear off with all their booty ; the English forgot all the precautions of war when they made a midnight rush on a fortified camp without knowledge of the ground or the arrangements of their enemy. It was for these specialties that Froissart ad- mired it so. He saw in it a fight for fighting's sake, a great passage at arms in which no bow was drawn, but each man fought hand to hand ; in fact, about the greatest and blood- iest tournament he had to record. Hence his narrative is ever interrupted with bursts of admiration as his fancy , contemplates the delightful scene raised before it." Burton, History of Scotland, II, 364, ed. 1873 (who, perhaps by an error of the press, makes the losses of the English in killed eight hundred and forty, in place of Buchanan's eighteen hundred and forty).
t Bower anil Barry say St Oswald's day, Wednesday, the 5th, Scotichronicon, II, 405, 407 ; Knyghton also ; the con-
actually present, both English and Scots, and also French.
Wyntoun,ix, 840-54, 900f (Laing, III, 36f) says that the alarm was given the Scots by a young man that came right fast riding (c£ A 20, 21, B 4, C 17), and that many of the Scots were able to arm but imperfectly ; among these Earl James, who was occupied with get- ting his men into order and was " reckless of his arming," and the Earl of Murray, who forgot his basnet (cf. C 20). Earl James was slain no man knew in what way. Bower, Scotichronicon, II, 405, agrees with Wyn- toun. English chroniclers, Knyghton, col. 2728, Walsingham (Riley, II, 17G J), Mal- verne, the continuator of Iligden (Polychron- icon, Lumby, IX, 185), assert that Percy killed Douglas with his own hand, Knyghton adding that I'ercy also wounded the Earl of Murray to the point of death.
That a Scots ballad of Otterburn was popu- lar in the sixteenth century appears from The Complaynte of Scotlande, 1549, where a line is cited, The Perssee and the Mongumrye met, p. 65, ed. Murray : cf. B 9\ C 30x.§ In the following century Hume of Godscroft writes: || The Scots song made of Otterburn telleth the time, about Lammasse, and the occasion, to take preyes out of England ; also the divid- ing of the armies betwixt the Earles of Fife and Douglas, and their severall journeys,
tinuator of Higden's Polychronicon, August 12, Wednes- day. The ballad, A 1 84, gives the day as Wednesday. There was a full moon August 20, which makes the 19th of itself far more probable, and Froissart says the moon was shining. See White, Battle of Otterburn, p. 133.
J Walsingham writes in the vein of Froissart : " Erat ibi- dem cernere pulchrum spectaculum, duos tam praeclaros juvenes manus conserere et pro gloria decertare." Walsing- ham says that, the English were few. Malverne puts the Scots at 30,000, and here, as in the ballad A 35, the crony- kle does not layne (indeed, the ballad is all but accurate), if the main body of the Scots be included, which was at first supposed to be supporting Douglas.
§ ' The perssee and the mongumrye met, that day, that day, that gentil day,' which I suppose to be either a different reading from any that has come down, or a blending of a line from Otterburn with one from The Hunting of the Cheviot, A 241 ; indicating in either case the present ballad only, for The Hunttis of Cheuet had been cited before. Furmvall holds that the second line means another ballad : Captain Cox, p. clix.
|| The History of the Houses of Douglas and Angus, 1644, p. 104.
1G1. THE BATTLE OF OTTEKIUJRN
293
almost as in the authentick history. It be-
ginneth thus :
It fell about the Lammas tide, When yeomen wonne their hay,
The donghtie Douglas gan to vide, In England to take a prey.
Motherwell maintains that the ballad which passes as English is the Scots song altered to please the other party. His argument, how- ever, is far from conclusive. " That The Battle of Otterbourne was thus dealt with by an English transcriber appears obvious, for it studiously omits dilating on Percy's cap- ture, while it accurately details his combat with Douglas ; " that is to say, the ballad as we have it is just what a real English ballad would have been, both as to what it enlarges on and what it slights. " Whereas it would appear that in the genuine Scottish version the capture of Percy formed a prominent incident, seeing it is the one by which the author of The Complaynt refers to the ballad [The Perssee and the Mongumrye met] : " from which Motherwell was at liberty to deduce that B and C represent the genuine Scottish version, several stanzas being given to the capture of Percy in these ; but this he would not care to do, on account of the great inferiority of these forms. A Scotsman could alter an English ballad " to suit political feel- ing and flatter national vanity," as Mother- well says the Scots did with Chevy Chace. (See further on, p. 303.) There is no reason to doubt that a Scots ballad of Otterburn once existed, much better than the two in- ferior, and partly suspicious, things which were printed by Herd and Scott, and none to doubt that an English minstrel would deal freely with any Scots ballad which he could turn to his purpose ; but then there is no evi- dence, positive or probable, that this partic- ular ballad was " adapted " from the Scots song made of Otterburn ; rather are we to infer that the few verses of B and C which repeat or resemble the text, of A were bor-
* For Motherwell's views, see his Minstrelsy, li, lii, uud lxxi, note 30.
rowed from A, and, as likely as not, Hume's first stanza too.*
A, in the shape in which it has come down to us, must have a date long subsequent to the battle, as the grammatical forms show ; still, what interested the borderers a hundred years or more after the event must have in- terested people of the time still more, and it would be against the nature of things that there should not have been a ballad as early as 1400. The ballad we have is likely to have been modernized from such a predecessor, but I am not aware that there is anything in the text to confirm such a supposition, unless one be pleased to make much of the Wednesday of the eighteenth stanza. The concluding stanza implies that Percy is dead, and he was killed at Shrewsbury, in 1403.
A. 3. Hoppertope hyll, says Percy, is a corruption for Ottercap Hill (now Ottercaps Hill) in the parish of Kirk Whelpington, Tynedale Ward, Northumberland. Rodclyffe Cragge (now Rothley Crags) is a cliff near Rodeley, a small village in the parish of Hartburn, in Morpeth Ward, south-east of Ottercap ; and Green Leyton, corruptly Green Lynton, is another small village, south-east of Rodeley, in the same parish. Reliques, 1794, I, 22. '
8. Henry Percy seems to have been in his twenty-third year. As for his having been a march-man " all his days," he is said to have begun fighting ten years before, in 1378, and to have been appointed Governor of Berwick and Warden of the Marches in 1385 : White, History of the Battle of Otterburn, p. 67 f. Walsingham calls both Percy and Douglas young men, and Froissart speaks at least twice of Douglas as young. Fraser, The Douglas Book, 1885, I, 292, says that Douglas was probably born in 1358. White, as above, p. 91, would make him somewhat older.
17. The chivalrous trait in this stanza, and that in the characteristic passage 36-44, are peculiar to this transcendently heroic ballad.
26, 27. The earldom of Menteith at the time of this battle, says Percy, following Douglas's Peerage, was possessed by Robert
294 161. THE BATTLE OF OTTEKBURN
Stewart, Earl of Fife, third son of King * Roister Doister,' known to be as old as
Robert II ; but the Earl of Fife was in com- 1551, Matthew Merrygreek exclaims, " What
mand of the main body and not present. (As then ? sainct George to borow, Our Ladie's
Douglas married a daughter of King Robert knight!" Ed. W. D. Cooper, p. 77, Shake-
II, the Earl of Fife was not his uncle, but his speare Society, 1847. The Danish ballad of
brother-in-law.) The mention of Huntley, St George, ' St Jorgen og Dragen,' Grundtvig,
says Percy, shows that the ballad was not No 103, II, 559 ff, the oldest version of which
composed before 1449 ; for in that year Alex- is from a 16th century MS., begins, " Knight
ander, Lord of Gordon and Huntley, was St George, thou art my man " (svend) ; and
created Earl of Huntley by King James II. in the second version, George, declining the
The Earl of Buchan at that time was Alex- princess whom he has rescued, says he has
ander Stewart, fourth son of the king. Re- vowed to Mary to be her servant.* In the
liques, 1794, I, 36. corresponding Swedish ballad, of the same
352. * The cronykle will not layne.' So in age as the Danish, George is called Mary's
' The Rose of England,' No 166, st. 224, ' The knight (Maria honom riddare gjorde, st. 2) :
cronickles of this will not lye,' and also 172 ; Geijer and Afzelius, ed. Bergstroin, II, 402.
and in ' Flodden Field,' appendix, p. 360, st. This is also his relation in German ballads :
1214. Meinert, p. 254 ; Ditfurth, I, 55, No 68.f
43, 49. It will be remembered that the B. 1, 9, 14 nearly resemble A 1, 50, .68,
archers had no part in this fight. and must have the same origin. In B 9
45, 46. " The ancient arms of Douglas are Douglas is changed to Montgomery ; in 14
pretty accurately emblazoned in the former Douglas is wrongly said to have been buried
stanza, and if the readings were, The crowned on the field, instead of at Melrose Abbe}r,
harte, and, Above stode starres thre, it would where his tomb is still to be seen,
be minutely exact at this day. As for the 7 is founded upon a tradition reported by
Percy family, one of their ancient badges Hume of Godscroft : " There are that say
or cognizances was a white lyon statant, and that he was not slain by the enemy, but by
the silver crescent continues to be used by one of his owne men, a groome of his cham-
them to this day. They also give three luces ber, whom he had struck the day before with
argent for one of their quarters." Percy, as a truncheon in the ordering of the battell,
above, p. 30. because hee saw him make somewhat slowly
48. So far as I know, St George does not to ; and they name this man John Bickerton
appear as Our Lady's knight in any legend- of Luffenesse, who left a part of his armour
ary, though he is so denominated or described behinde unfastned, and when hee was in the
elsewhere in popular tradition. So in the spell greatest conflict, this servant of his came
for night-mare, which would naturally be of behinde his back and slew him thereat."
considerable antiquity, Ed. 1644, p. 105.
„ ~ .., _ ^ _ ,. , . , 11. The summons to surrender to a braken-
b. (jreorge, b. (jreorge, Our Ladies knight, . , . , . .. , , . „ . , .
xr n \ \ i i- t i i - i , , bush is not in the style ot ngnting-men or
He walkt by day, so did he by night, etc. : _ , J . n n J . , . °., °T
fighting-days, and would justify Hotspur s
Reginald Scot, The Discoverie of Witchcraft, contempt of metre-ballad-mongers.
1584, as reprinted by Nicholson, p. 68, ed. 12, 13. B agrees with Froissart in making
1665, p. 48 ; and Fletcher's Monsieur Thomas, a Montgomery to be the captor of Henry
iv. 6, Dyce, VII, 388. In Nicholas Udall's Percy, whereas A represents that Montgom-
* B 20. Ingen iomfru maa ieg loffue, daughter, and orders a church to be built ' mit Mariabeild,'
huerchen tynlig eller aaben-bahre ; 0r to himself and Mary. This, and perhaps the hint for
det haffuer ieg iomfru Maria loffuet gt George's addiction to Mary altogether, is from the Golden
hmdis tienere skall ieg verre. Legend, where the king " in honorem beat* Mari* et beati
t The burden is 'O kiennicheinn Maria' in the first, 'Hhf Georgii ecclesiam mira? magnitudinis construxit" : Grasse,
Maria' in the second; in both George declines the king's p. 261.
161. THE BATTLE OF OTTERBURN
205
cry was taken prisoner and exchanged for Percy. In The Hunting of the Cheviot Sir Hugh Montgomery kills Percy, and in return is shot by a Northumberland archer.
C. Scott does not give a distinct account of this version. lie says that he had obtained two copies, since the publication of the earlier edition, " from the recitation of old persons re- siding at the head of Ettrick Forest, by which the story is brought out and completed in a manner much more correspondent to the true history." C is, in fact, a combination of four copies ; the two from Ettrick Forest, B a, and the MS. copy used in B b to " correct" Herd.
8, it scarcely requires to be said, is spurious, modern in diction and in conception.
19. Perhaps derived from Hume of Gods- croft rather than from tradition. When Douglas was dying, according to this histo- rian,* he made these last requests of certain of his kinsmen : " First, that yee keep my death close both from our owne folke and from the enemy ; then, that ye suffer not my standard to be lost or cast downe ; and last, that ye avenge my death, and bury me at Melrosse
with my father. If I could hope for these things," he added, " I should (.lie with the greater contentment ; for long since I heard a prophesie that a dead man should winne a field, and I hope in God it shall be I." Ed. 1644, p. 100.
22 must be derived from the English ver- sion. As the excellent editor of The Bal- lad Minstrelsy of Scotland, Glasgow, 1871, remarks, " no Scottish minstrel would ever have dreamt of inventing such a termination to the combat between these two redoubted heroes ... as much at variance with history as it is repulsive to national feeling : " p. 431.
Genealogical matters, in this and the follow- ing ballad, are treated, not always to complete satisfaction, in Bishop Percy's notes, Reliques, 1794, I, 34 ff; Scott's Minstrelsy, 1833, I, 351, 363 ff: White's History of the Battle of Otterburn, p. 67 ff ; The Ballads and Songs of Ayrshire, I, 66 f.
A is translated by Doenniges, p. 87 ; C by Grundtvig, Engelske og skotske Folkeviser, No 12, p. 74, and by Talvj, Charakteristik, p. 537.
a. Cotton MS. Cleopatra, C. iv, leaf 64, of about 1550. b. Harleian MS. 293, leaf 52.
1 Yt fell abowght the Lamasse tyde,
Whan husbondes Wynnes ther haye, The dowghtye Dowglasse bowynd hym to ryde, In Ynglond to take a praye.
2 The yerlle of Fyffe, WT/tAowghten stryffe,
He bowynd hym over Sulway ; The grete wolde ever to-gether ryde ; That raysse they may rewe for aye.
3 Over Hoppertope hyll they cam in,
And so down by Rodclyffe crage ; Vpon Grene Lynton they lyghted dowyn, Styrande many a stage.
* Following in part Buchanan, who, however, says nothing of Melrose, or of the prophecy, which is the point here. Bla vero a vobis postrema peto : primum, vt mortem meam et nostras et hostes cceletis; deinde, ne vexillum meum de-
4 And boldely brente Northomberlond,
And haryed many a towyn ; They dyd owr Ynglyssh men grete wrange, To batell that were not bowyn.
5 Than spake a heme vpon the bent,
Of comforte that was not colde, And sayd, We haue brente Northomber- lond, We haue all welth in holde.
6 Now we haue haryed all Bamborowe schyre,
All the welth in the worlde haue wee, I rede we ryde to Newe Castell, So styll and stalworthlye.
7 Vpon the morowe, when it was day,
The standerds schone full bryght ;
jectum sinatis; demum, vt meam ccedem vlciscamini. Hwc si sperem ita fore, csetera a;quo animo feram. Fol. 101, ed. 1582.
29(>
161. THE BATTLE OF OTTEKHUKX
To the Nevve Castell the toke the waye, And thether they cam full ryght.
8 Syr Henry Perssy laye at the New Castell,
I tell yow wz/t/towtlen drede ; He had hyn a march-man all hys dayes, And kepte Barwyke vpon Twede.
9 To the Newe Castell when they cam,
The Skottes they cryde on hyght, ' Syr Havy Perssy, and thou byste within, Com to the fylde, and i'yght.
10 ' Foi* we haue brente Northomberlonde,
Thy erytage good and ryght, And syne my logeyng I haue take
Wyth my brande dubbyd many a knyght.'
11 Syr Harry Perssy cam to the walles,
The Skottyssch oste for to se, And sayd, And thou hast brente Northomber- lond, Full sore it rewyth me.
12 Yf thou hast haryed all Bamborowe schyre,
Thow hast done me grete envye ; For the trespasse thow hast me done, The tone of vs schall dye.
13 ' Where schall I byde the ? ' sayd the Dowglas,
' Or where wylte thow com to me ? ' ' At Otterborne, in the hygh way, [T]her mast thow well logeed be.
14 ' [T]he roo full rekeles ther sche rinnes,
[T]o make the game a[nd] glee ; [T]he fawken and the fesaunt both, Among the holtes on hye.
15 ' Ther mast thow haue thy welth at wyll,
Well looged ther mast be ; Yt schall not be long or I com the tyll,' Sayd Syr Harry Perssye.
16 ' Ther schall I byde the,' sayd the Dowglas,
' By the fayth of my bodye : ' ' Thether schall I com,' sayd Syr Harry Perssy, ' My trowth I plyght to the.'
17 A pype of wyne he gaue them over the walles,
For soth as I yow saye ; Ther he, may d the Dowglasse drynke, And all hys ost that daye.
18 The Dowglas turnyd hym homewarde agayne,
For soth withowghten oaye ;
He toke hys logeyng at Oterborne, Vpon a Wedynsday.
19 And ther lie pyght hys standerd dowyn,
Hys gettyng more and lcsse, And syne he warned hys men to goo To chose ther geldynges gresse.
20 A Skottysshe knyght hoved vpon the bent,
A waclie I dare' well saye ; So was he ware on the noble Perssy, In the dawnyng of the daye.
21 He prycked to hys pavyleon-dore,
As faste as he myght ronne ; 'Awaken, Dowglas,' cryed the knyght, ' For hys love that syttes in trone.
22 ' Awaken, Dowglas,' cryed the knyght,
' For thow maste waken wyth Wynne ; Yender haue I spyed the prowde Perssye, And seven stondardes wyth hym.'
23 ' Nay by my trowth,' the Dowglas sayed,
' It ys but a fayned taylle ; He durst not loke on my brede banner For all Ynglonde so haylle.
24 ' Was I not yesterdaye at the Newe Castell,
That stondes so fay re on Tyne ? For all the men the Perssy had,
He coude not garre me ones to dyne.'
25 He stepped owt at his pavelyon-dore,
To loke and it were lesse : ' Araye yow, lordynges,' one and all, For here bygynnes no peysse.
26 ' The yerle of Mentaye, thow arte my eme,
The fowarde I gyve to the : The yerlle of Huntlay, cawte and kene, He schall be wyth the.
27 ' The lorde of Bowghan, in armure bryght,
On the other hand he schall be ; Lord Jhonstomie and Lorde Maxwell, They to schall be wyth me.
28 ' Swynton, fayre fylde vpon yortr pryde !
To batell make yow bowen
161. THE BATTLE OF OTTERBURN
297
Syr Davy Skotte, Syr Water Stewarde, Syr Jhon of Agurstone ! '
29 The Perssy cam by fore hys oste,
Wych was ever a gentyll knyght ;
Vpon the Dowglas lowde can he crye,
' I wyll holde that I haue hyght.
30 ' For thou haste brente Northomberlonde,
And done me grete envye ; For thys trespasse thou hast me done, The tone of vs schall dye.'
31 The Dowglas answerde hym agayne,
Wyth grett wurdes vpon hye, And sayd, I haue twenty agaynst thy one, Byholde, and thou maste see.
32 Wyth that the Perssy was grevyd sore,
For soth as I yow saye ; He lyghted dowyn vpon his foote, And schoote hys horsse clene awaye.
33 Euery man sawe that he dyd soo,
That ryall was euer in rowght ; Euery man schoote hys horsse hym froo. And lyght hym rowynde abowght.
34 Thus Syr Hary Perssye toke the fylde,
For soth as I yow saye ; Jhesu Cryste in hevyn on hyght Dyd helpe hym well that daye.
35 But nyne thowzand, ther was no moo,
The cronykle wyll not layne ; Forty thowsande of Skottes and fowre That day fowght them agayne.
36 But when the batell byganne to ioyne,
In hast ther cam a knyght ; The letters fayre furth hath he tayne, And thus he sayd full ryght :
37 ' My lorde yo«r father he gretes yow well,
Wyth many a noble knyght ; He desyres yow to byde That he may see thys fyght.
38 ' The Baron of Grastoke ys com out of the
west, Wyth hym a noble companye ; All they loge at yo?<r fathers thys nyght, And the batell fayne wolde they see.'
39 ' For Jh&SUS love,' sayd Syr Ilarye Perssy,
'That dyed fur yow and me, Wendo to my lorde my father agayne, And saye thow sawe me not wyth yee.
40 ' My fcrowth ys plyght to yonne Skottysh
knyght, It nedes me not to layne, That I schulde byde hym vpon thys bent, And I haue hys trowth agayne.
41 ' And if that I w[e]ynde of thys growende,
For soth, onfowghten awaye, He wolde me call but a kowarde knyght In hys londe another daye.
42 ' Yet had I lever to be rynde and rente,
By Mary, that mykkel maye, Then ever my manhood schulde be reprovyd Wyth a Skotte another day.
43 ' Wlierfore schote, archars, for my sake,
And let scharpe ai'owes flee ; Mynstrells, playe vp for jour waryson, And well quyt it schall bee.
44 ' Euery man thynke on hys trewe-love,
And marke hym to the Trenite ; For to God I make myne avowe Thys day wyll I not flee.'
45 The blodye harte in the Dowglas armes,
Hys standerde stode on hye, That euery man myght full well knowe ; By syde stode starres thre.
46 The whyte lyon on the Ynglyssh perte,
For soth as I yow sayne, The lucette.s and the cressawntes both ; The Skottes favght them agayne.
47 Vpon Sent Androwe lowde can they crye,
And thrysse they schowte on hyght, And syne merked them one owr Ynglysshe men, As I haue tolde yow ryght.
48 Sent George the bryght, owr ladyes knyght,
To name they were full fayne ; Owr Ynglyssh men they cryde on hyght, And thrysse the schowtte agayne.
49 Wyth that scharpe arowes bygan to flee,
I tell yow in sertayne ;
VOL. III.
38
298
101. THE UATTLE OF OTTEltJJUltN
Men of armes byganne to joyne, Many a dovvghty man was tlier slayne.
50 The Perssy and the Dowglas mette,
That ether of other was fayne ; They swapped together whyll that the swette, Wyth swordes of fyne collayne :
51 Tyll the bloode from ther bassonnettes ranne,
As the roke doth in the rayne ; ' Yelde the to me,' sayd the Dowglas, ' Or elles thow schalt be slayne.
52 ' For I see by thy bryght bassonet,
Thow arte sum man of myght ; And so I do by thy burnysshed brande ; Thow arte an yerle, or elles a knyght.'
53 ' By my good faythe,' sayd the noble Perssye,
' Now haste thow rede full ryght ; Yet wyll I never yelde me to the, Whyll I may stonde and fyght.'
54 They swapped together whyll that they swette,
Wyth swordes scharpe and long ; Ych on other so faste thee beette,
Tyll ther helmes cam in peyses dowyn.
55 The Perssy was a man of strenghth,
I tell yow in thys stounde ; He smote the Dowglas at the swordes length That he telle to the growynde.
56 The sworde was scharpe, and sore can byte,
I tell yow in sertayne ; To the harte he eowde hym smyte, Thus was the Dowglas slayne.
57 The stonderdes stode styll on eke a syde,
Wyth many a grevous grone ; Ther the fowght the day, and all the nyght, And many a dowghty man was slayne.
58 Ther was no freke that ther wolde flye,
But styffely in stowre can stond, Ychone hewyng on other whyll they myght drye, Wyth many a bayllefull bronde.
59 Ther was slayne vpon the Skottes syde,
For soth and sertenly, Syr James a Dowglas ther was slayne, That day that he cowde dye.
00 The yerlle of Mentaye he was slayne, Grysely groned vpon the growynd ; Syr Davy Skotte, Syr Water Stewarde, Syr J lion of Agurstoune.
61 Syr Charlies Morrey in that place,
That never a fote wold flee ; Syr Hewe Maxwell, a lorde he was, Wyt/i the Dowglas dyd he dye.
62 Ther was slayne vpon the Skottes syde,
For soth as I yow saye, Of fowre and forty thowsande Scottes Went but eyghtene awaye.
63 Ther was slayne vpon the Ynglysshe syde,
For soth and sertenlye, A gentell knyght, Syr Jhon Fechewe, Yt was the more pety.
64 Syr James Hardbotell ther was slayne,
For hym ther hartes were sore ; The gentyll Lovell ther was slayne, That the Perssys standerd bore.
65 Ther was slayne vpon the Ynglyssh perte,
For soth as I yow saye, Of nyne thowsand Ynglyssh men Fyve hondert cam awaye.
66 The other were slayne in the fylde ;
Cryste kepe ther sowlles from wo ! Seyng ther was so fewe fryndes A gay nst so many a foo.
67 Then on the morne they mayde them beerys
Of byrch and haysell graye ; Many a wydowe, wyth wepyng teyres, Ther makes they fette awaye.
68 Thys fraye bygan at Otterborne,
Bytwene the nyght and the day ; Ther the Dowglas lost hys lyffe, And the Perssy was lede awaye.
69 Then was ther a Scottysh pWsoner tayne,
Syr Hewe Mongomery was hys name ; For soth as I yow saye,
He borowed the Perssy home agayne.
70 Now let vs all for the Perssy praye
To Jhesu most of myght, To bryng hys sowlle to the blysse of heven, For he was a gentyll knyght.
161. THE BATTLE OF OTTERBURN
299
B
a. Herd's MS., I, 149, II, 30 ; Herd's Scottish Song9, 177f>, 1, 15.3. b. Scott's Minstrelsy, I, 31, 1802, "corrected" from Herd, 1776, " by a MS. copy."
1 It fell and about the Lammas time,
When husbandmen do win their hay, Eavl Douglass is to the English woods, And a' with him to fetch a prey.
2 He has chosen the Lindsays light,
With them the gallant Gordons gay, And the Earl of Fyfe, withouten strife, And Sir Hugh Montgomery upon a grey.
3 They have taken Northumberland,
And sae hae they the north shire, And the Otter Dale, they hae burnt it hale, And set it a' into fire.
4 Out then spake a bonny boy,
That servd ane o Earl Douglass kin ; Methinks I see an English host, A-coming branken us upon.
5 ' If this be true, my little boy,
And it be troth that thou tells me, The brawest bower in Otterburn This day shall be thy morning-fee.
6 ' But if it be fase, my little boy,
But and a lie that thou tells me, On the highest tree that 's in Otterburn With my ain hands I '11 hing thee high.'
7 The boy 's taen out his little penknife,
That hanget low down by his gare,
And he gaed Earl Douglass a deadly wound. Alack ! a deep wound and a sare.
8 Earl Douglas said to Sir Hugh Montgomery,
Take thou the vanguard o the three, And bury me at yon braken-bush, That stands upon yon lilly lee.
9 Then Percy and Montgomery met,
And weel a wot they warna fain ; They swaped swords, and they twa swat, And ay the blood ran down between.
10 '*0 yield thee, yield thee, Percy,' he said,
' Or else I vow I '11 lay thee low ; ' ' Whom to shall I yield,' said Earl Percy, ' Now that I see it maun be so ? '
11 ' O yield thee to yon braken-bush,
That grows upon yon lilly lee ;
12 ' I winna yield to a braken-bush,
Nor yet will I unto a brier ; But I would yield to Earl Douglass,
Or Sir Hugh Montgomery, if he was here.'
13 As soon as he knew it was Montgomery,
He stuck his sword's point in the ground, And Sir Hugh Montgomery was a courteous knight, And he quickly broght him by the hand.
14 This deed was done at Otterburn,
About the breaking of the day ; Earl Douglass was buried at the braken-bush, And Percy led captive away.
c
Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border, 18.33, 1, 345. B com- pleted by two copies " obtained from the recitation of old persons residing at the head of Ettrick Forest."
1 It fell about the Lammas tide,
When the muir-men win their hay, The doughty Douglas bound him to ride Into England, to drive a prey.
2 He chose the Gordons and the Graemes,
With them the Lindesays, light and gay ;
But the Jardines wald not with him ride, And they rue it to this day.
3 And he has burnd the dales of Tyne,
And part of Bambrough shire, And three good towers on Reidswire fells, He left them all on fire.
4 And he marchd up to Newcastle,
And rode it round about : ' O wha 's the lord of this castle ? Or wha 's the lady o 't ? '
300
101. THE BATTLE OF OTTERBURN
5 But up spake proud Lord Percy then,
And () but he spake hie! I am the lord of this castle, My wife 's the lady gay.
6 ' If thou 'rt the lord of this castle,
Sae weel it pleases me, For, ere I cross the Border fells, The tane of us shall die.'
7 He took a lang spear in his hand,
Shod with the metal free, And for to meet the Douglas there He rode right furiouslie.
8 But O how pale his lady lookd,
Frae aff the castle-wa, When down before the Scottish spear She saw proud Percy fa.
9 ' Had we twa been upon the green,
And never an eye to see, I wad hae had you, flesh and fell ; But your sword sail gae wi me.'
10 ' But gae ye up to Otterbourne,
And, wait there dayis three, And, if I come not ere three dayis end, A fause knight ca ye me.'
11 ' The Otterbourne 's a bonnie burn ;
'T is pleasant there to be ; But there is nought at Otterbourne To feed my men and me.
12 ' The deer rins wild on hill and dale,
The birds fly wild from tree to tree ; But there is neither bread nor kale To fend my men and me.
13 ' Yet I will stay at Otterbourne.
Where you shall welcome be ; And, if ye come not at three dayis end, A fause lord I '11 ca thee.'
14 ' Thither will I come,' proud Percy said,
' By the might of Our Ladye ; ' ' There will I bide thee,' said the Douglas, ' My troth I plight to thee.'
15 They lighted high on Otterbourne,
Upon the bent sae brown ; They lighted high on Otterbourne, And threw their pallions down.
16 And he that had a bonnie boy,
Sent out his horse to grass ; And he that had not a bonnie boy, His ain servant he was.
17 But up then spake a little page,
Before the peep of dawn : ' O waken ye, waken ye, my good lord, For Percy 's hard at hand.'
18 ' Ye lie, ye lie, ye liar loud !
Sae loud I hear ye lie : For Percy had not men yestreen To dight my men and me.
19 ' But I have dreamd a dreary dream,
Beyond the Isle of Sky ; I saw a dead man win a fight, And I think that man was I.'
20 He belted on his guid braid sword,
And to the field he ran, But he forgot the helmet good, That should have kept his brain.
21 When Percy wi the Douglas met,
I wat he was fu fain ; They swakked their swords, till sair they swat, And the blood ran down like rain.
22 But Percy with his good broad sword,
That could so sharply wound, Has wounded Douglas on the brow, Till he fell to the ground.
23 Then he calld on his little foot-page,
And said, Run speedilie, And fetch my ain dear sister's son, Sir Hugh Montgomery.
24 ' My nephew good,' the Douglas said,
' What recks the death of ane ! Last night I dreamd a dreary dream, And I ken the day 's thy ain.
25 ' My wound is deep ; I fain would sleep ;
Take thou the vanguard of the three, And hide me by the braken-bush, That grows on yonder lilye lee.
26 ' O bury me by the braken-bush,
Beneath the blooming brier ; Let never living mortal ken
That ere a kindly Scot lies here.'
161. THE BATTLE OF OTTEKBURN
301
27 He lifted up that noble lord,
Wi the Bant tear in his ee ; He hid him in the braken-bush. That his merrie men might not see.
28 The moon was clear, the day drew near,
The spears in flinders flew,
But mony a gallant Englishman
Ere day the Scotsmen slew.
29 The Gordons good, in English blood
They steepd their hose and shoon ; The Lindsays flew like fire about, Till all the fray was done.
30 The Percy and Montgomery met,
That either of other were fain ; They swapped swords, and they twa swat, And aye the blood ran down between.
31 ' Now yield thee, yield thee, Percy,' he said,
' Or else I vow I '11 lay thee low ! '
' To whom must I yield,' quoth Earl Percy, ' Now that I see it must be so ? '
32 ' Thou shalt not yield to lord nor loun,
Nor yet shalt thou yield to me ; But yield thee to the braken-bush, That grows upon yon lilye lee.'
33 ' I will not yield to a braken-bush,
Nor yet will I yield to a brier ; But I would yield to Earl Douglas,
Or Sir Hugh the Montgomery, if he were here.'
34 As soon as he knew it was Montgomery,
He struck his sword's point in the gronde ; The Montgomery was a courteous knight, And quickly took him by the honde.
35 This deed was done at the Otterbourne,
About the breaking of the day ; Earl Douglas was buried at the braken-bush, And the Percy led captive away.
D
Finlay's Scottish Ballads, I, xviii f ; from recitation.
1 Then out an spak a little wee boy, And he was near o Percy's kin : Methinks I see the English host A coming branking us upon.
£
Motherwell's Minstrelsy, p. lxxi, note 30 ; from a recited copy.
' 0 yield thee to yon braken-bush, That grows upon yon lilly lie ;
2 Wi nine waggons scaling wide,
And seven banners bearing high ; It wad do any living gude
To see their bonny colours fly.
For there lies aneth yon braken-bush What aft has conquerd mae than thee.'
A. a. 34. many a styrande.
"The reading of the MS. is, I suspect, right ; for stage, or staig, in Scotland means a young horse unshorn of its mas- culine attributes, and the obvious inten- tion of the poet is merely to describe that the Scottish alighted from many a pranc- ing steed, in order to prepare for action." Motherwell, Minstrelsy, p. lxxi, note 30,
201. 221,
who would read accordingly, [Off] many a styrande stage. The fourth line, as amended by Motherwell, would be a superfluity, whereas Percy's reading, here adopted, adds a pleasing incident, the rousing of the deer as the troopers passed their haunts. beste, corrected to bent. repeated at the top offol. 65 back.
302
101. THE BATTLE OF O'JTKKHITRN
31 8. the one; b, thy one. 34 2. soth soth.
41*. b, weynde. 4G8. cressawtte-s.
508. schapped : cf. 541.
GO4. Syr James : cf. 284. G48. CoveU.
Crossed final 11, in all, styll, Castell, schall,
well, etc., has not been rendered Ik. b. A Songe made in R. 2. his tyine of the Bat-
telle at Otterburne betweene the Lord Henry
Percye, Earle of Northomberland, and the
Earle Douglas of Scotland, An" 1388. Either b is a transcript of a, or both are
from the same source. 32. Redclyffe. 34. Many a stirande. 44. bound. 74. they ranne. II1. Sr Henry came. 132. wille. 142. game and. 152. maiste thou. 154. Henrye.
201. houered vppon the beste bent. 244. gare me oute to. 284. Aguiston. 3l8. thy one. 351. no more. 352. cronicles. 373. abyde. 394. wth thie eye. 401. yonde Skotes. 411. Ffor yf I weynde. 448. my avowe. 462. I wanting. 491. arrowes gan vpe to. 508. schapped : swatte. 511. from the. 541. swotte. 571. stonderes ; elke syde. 59s. a tvanting. 60*. Sr James. 638. Ffitzhughe. 641. Harbotle. 648. Covelle. 664. a wanting. 671. the morowe. 701. Percyes. A pencil note on the first leaf of b (signed
F. 31., Sir F. Madden) states that it is in
Ralph Starkei/s hand. B. a. 23. Fuife in my transcript of Herd, I ; Fyfe
in II.
3*. hae is omitted in II and the printed copy. 34. printed into a fire.
53. bravest in my transcript of Herd, I ; brawest, II ; printed brawest.
78. The second MS. has gae ; printed gae. 83. bring me in my transcript of Herd, I; bury in the second MS., and so printed. 122. II, into, b. I1. and wanting. 24. Hugh the.
31. have harried. 32. they Bambroshire. 33. And wanting. 34. a' in a blaze o fire.
51. true, thou little foot-page.
52. If this be true thou tells to me.
54. This day wanting; morning's. 61. thou little. G2. lie thou tells to.
63. that 's wanting. G4. hang. 71. boy has.
72. hung right low. 78. gave Lord.
74. I wot a.
81. Douglas to the Montgomery said.
88. me by the. 84. that grows.
91. The Percy.
92. That either of other were fain. 101. Yield thee, O yield. 104. it must.
11 Thou shalt not yield to lord nor loun, Nor yet shalt thou yield to me ; But yield thee to the braken-bush, That grows upon yon lilye lee.
121. I will not. 122. I to. 124. Hugh the : he were. 131,3. And the Montgomery. 134. And quickly took him. 144. the Percy. C. 341. In one copy : As soon as he knew it was Sir Hugh.
162. THE HUNTING OF THE CHEVIOT 303
162
THE HUNTING OF THE CHEVIOT
A. MS. Ashmole, 48, 1550 or later, Bodleian Library, leian Library, and Roxburghe Ballads, IT I, 66, Brit- in Skeat's Specimens of English Literature, etc., ish Museum, broadside, printed for F. Coles, T. third edition, 1880, p. 67 * Vere, and J. Wright, d. Wood Ballads, 401, 48,
Bodleian Library, broadside, printed for F. Coles,
B. a. 'Chevy Chase,' Percy MS., p. 188, Hales and T. Vere, and W. Gilbertson. e. Bagford Ballads, Furnivall, II, 7. b. Pepys Ballads, I, 92, No 45, I, No 32, British Museum, broadside, printed by and Magdalene College, Cambridge, broadside, London, for W. Onley. f. A Scottish copy, without printer, printed for M. G. c. Douce Ballads, fol. 27b, Bod- Harvard College Library.
A was first printed by Hearne in Guili- The 'Hunttis of Chevet' is among the
elmi Neubrigensis Historia, I, lxxxii ff, 1719 ; " sangis of natural music of the antiquite "
then by Percy, Reliques, I, 1, 1765, with a mentioned as sung by the "shepherds" in
judicious preface. The whole manuscript, in The Complaynt of Scotland, a book assigned to
which this piece is No 8, was edited by 1549. It was an old and a popular song at the
Thomas Wright for the Roxburghe Club in middle of the sixteenth century. The copy
1860 : Songs and Ballads, with other short in the Ashmolean manuscript is subscribed
Poems, chiefly of the Reign of Philip and Expliceth, quod Rychard Sheale, upon which
Mary. ground Sheale has been held to be the au-
B may probably be found in any of the thor,f and not, as Percy and Ritson assumed, larger sets of broadsides. It is included in simply the transcriber, of the ballad. Sheale such collections as Dryden's Miscellanies, describes himself as a minstrel living at Tam- il, 238, 1702 ; Pills to purge Melancholy, IV, worth, whose business was to sing and talk, 289, 1719 ; Old Ballads, I, 111, 1723 ; Percy's or to chant ballads and tell stories. He was Reliques, I, 235, 1765. b has many readings the author of four pieces of verse in the same of a, the copy in the Percy MS. There is manuscript, one of which is of the date 1559 a second Bagford copy, II, No 37, printed like (No 56). This and another piece (No 46), e, for W. Onley. f, the Scottish copy, is prob- in which he tells how he was robbed of above ably of a date near 1700. Like the edition three score pound, give a sufficient idea of his printed at Glasgow, 1747, it is, in the Ian- dialect and style and a measure of his ability, guage of Percy, " remarkable for the wilful This ballad was of course part of his stock corruptions made in all the passages which as minstrel ; the supposition that he was the concern the two nations " : Folio Manuscript, author is preposterous in the extreme. Hales and Furnivall, II, 1, note, and Reliques, The song " which is commonly sung of the 1765, I, 234. The Scots are made fifteen Hunting of Chiviot," says Hume of Godscroft, hundred, the English twenty, in 6, 13, 53, 54 ; " seemeth indeed poeticall and a meer fic- the speeches of King James and King Henry tion, perhaps to stirre up vertue ; yet a fiction are interchanged in 58, 60 ; 62, 63, are whereof there is no mention, neither in the dropped. Scottish nor English chronicle " : p. 104. To
* I have not resorted to the MS. in this case, for the rea- t British Bibliographer, IV, 99 f ; Wright, Songs and
son that I could not expect to get a transcript which would Ballads, p. viii ; etc. merit the confidence which must attach to one made by the hand of Professor Skeat.
304 162. THE HUNTING OF THE CHEVIOT
this the general replication may be made that though not with the best) as to Percy's slay-
the ballad can scarcely be a deliberate fiction, ing Douglas. In the older ballad Percy is
The singer is not a critical historian, but he taken prisoner, an incident which history
supposes himself to be dealing with facts ; he must record, but which is somewhat insipid,
may be partial to his countrymen, but he has for which reason we might expect tradition to
no doubt that he is treating of a real event; improve the tale by assigning a like fate to
and the singer in this particular case thought both of the heroic antagonists,
he was describing the battle of Otterburn, The singer all but startles us with his his-
the Hunting of the Cheviot being indifferently torical lore when he informs us in 63 that
so called : st. 65. The agreement to meet, in King Harry the Fourth " did the battle of
A, st. 9, corresponds with the plight in Otter- Hombylldown " to requite the death of Percy ;
burn, st. 16 ; 174 corresponds to Otterburn for though the occasion of Homildon wa3
124, 304 ; 47, 56, 57, are the same as Otter- really another incursion on the part of the
burn 58, 61, 67 ; 31, 32, 66, are variants of Scots, and the same Percy was in command
Otterburn 51, 52, 68 ; Douglas's summons to of the English who in the ballad meets his
Percy to yield, Percy's refusal, and Douglas's death at Otterburn, nevertheless the battle of
death, 331, 35-372, may be a variation of Ot- Homildon was actually done fourteen years
terburn, 513, 55-56; Sir John of Agarstone subsequent to that of Otterburn and falls in
is slain with Percy in 52, and with Douglas the reign of Henry Fourth. The free play
in Otterburn 60 ; Sir Hugh Montgomery ap- of fancy in assigning the cause of Homildon
pears in both. must be allowed to offset the servility to an
The differences in the story of the two bal- accurate chronology ; and such an extenua-
lads, though not trivial, are still not so mate- tion is required only in this instance. :{: Not
rial as to forbid us to hold that both may be only is the fourth Harry on the throne of Eng-
founded upon the same occurrence, the Hunt- land at the epoch of Otterburn, but Jamy is
ing of the Cheviot being of course the later the Scottish king, although King James I was
version,* and following in part its own tradi- not crowned until 1424, the second year of
tion, though repeating some portions of the Henry VI.
older ballad. According to this older ballad, But here we may remember what is well
Douglas invades Northumberland in an act said by Bishop Percy : " A succession of two
of public war ; according to the later, Percy or three Jameses, and the long detention of one
takes the initiative, by hunting in the Scot- of them in England, would render the name
tish hills without the leave and in open defi- familiar to the English, and dispose a poet in
ance of Douglas, lieutenant of the Marches, those rude times to give it to any Scottish
Such trespasses,! whether by the English or king he happened to mention." The only
the Scots, were not less common, we may important inference from the mention of a
believe, than hostile incursions, and the one King James is that the minstrel's date is not
would as naturally as the other account for a earlier than 1424.
bloody collision between the rival families of The first, second, and fourth James were
Percy and Douglas, to those who consulted contemporary with a Henry during the whole
" old men " instead of histories : cf. stanza 67. of their reign, and the third during a part of
The older and the later ballad concur (and his ; with the others we need not concern
herein are in harmony with some chroniclers, ourselves. It has given satisfaction to some
* The grammatical forms of the Hunting of the Cheviot Otterburn : starres, 454 ; swordes, 542 ; Skottes, 591, 621.
are, however, older than those of the particular copy of Ot- Probably we are to read swordes length in 553.
terburn which has been preserved. The plural of the noun t See the passage in the Memoirs of Carey, Earl of Mon-
is very often in -es or -ys, as lordes, 231 ; longe's, 371 ; mouth, referred to in Percy's Reliques, 1765, I, 235, and
handdcs, 601; sydis, 82; bowys, 132, 251, 291, etc., at least given at length in Hales and Furnivall, II, 3 f.
sixteen cases. We find, also, syde at 62, and possibly should J The minstrel was not too nice as to topography either :
read faylle at 93. The plural in -es is rare in The Battle of Otterburn is not in Cheviot.
162. THE HUNTING OF THE CHEVIOT
305
who wish to reconcile the data of the ballad with history to find in a Scottish historiog- rapher a record of a fight between a Percy and a Douglas in 1435 or 1436, at the very end of the reign of James I. Henry Percy of Northumberland, says Hector Boece, made a raid into Scotland with four thousand men (it is not known whether of his own motion or by royal authority), and was encountered by nearly an equal force under William Doug- las, Earl of Angus, and others, at Piperden, the victory falling to the Scots, with about the same slaughter on both sides : Scotorum Historia, 1520, fol. ccclxvi, back. This affair is mentioned by Bower, Scotichronicon, 1759, II, 500 f, but the leader of the English is not named,* wherefore we may doubt whether it was a Percy. Very differently from Otter- burn, this battle made but a slight impression on the chroniclers.
Sidney's words, though perhaps a hundred times requoted since they were cited by Addi- son, cannot be omitted here : " Certainly I must confesse my own barbarousnes. I never heard the olde song of Percy and Duglas that I found not my heart mooved more then with a trumpet ; and yet is it sung but by some blinde crouder, with no rougher voyce then rude stile : which, being so evill apparrelled in the dust and cobwebbes of that uncivill age, what would it worke trymmed in the gorgeous eloquence of Pindar! "f Sidney's
* Tytler, History of Scotland, III, 293, though citing only the Scotichronicon, says Sir Robert Ogle, and also Scott, I, 270 ; for reasons which do not appear.
t An Apologie for Poetrie, p. 46 of Arber's reprint of the first edition, 1595. For the date of the writing, 1581-85, see Arber, p. 7 f.
t The courtly poet deserves much of ballad-lovers for avowing his barbarousness (one doubts whether he seriously believed that the gorgeous Pindar could have improved upon the ballad), but what would he not have deserved if he had written the blind crowder's song down !
§ Popular Music, I, 198. Chevy Chase is entered in the Stationers' Registers, among a large parcel of ballads, in 1624, and clearly was no novelty : Arber, IV, 131. " Had it been printed even so early as Queen Elizabeth's reign," says Percy, "I think I should have met with some copy wherein the first line would have been, God prosper long our noble queen." " That it could not be much later than that time appears from the phrase doleful dumps, which in that age carried no ill sound with it, but to the next generation be- came ridiculous. We have seen it pass uncensured in a sonnet that was at that time in request, and where it could # vol. in. 39
commendation is fully justified by the quality of The Battle of Otterburn, but is merited in even a higher degree by The Hunting of the Cheviot, and for that reason (I know of no other) The Hunting of the Cheviot may be supposed to be the ballad he had in mind. The song of Percy and Douglas, then, was sung about the country by blind fiddlers about 1580 in a rude and ancient form, much older than the one that has come down to us ; for that, if heard by Sidney, could not have seemed to him a song of an uncivil age, meaning the age of Percy and Douglas, two hundred years before his day. It would give no such impression even now, if chanted to an audience three hundred years later than Sidney. J
B is a striking but by no means a soli- tary example of the impairment which an old ballad would suffer when written over for the broadside press. This very seriously enfee- bled edition was in circulation throughout the seventeenth century, and much sung (says Chappell) despite its length. § It is declared by Addison, in his appreciative and tasteful critique, Spectator, Nos 70, 74, 1711, to be the favorite ballad of the common people of Eng- land. || Addison, who knew no other version, informs us that Ben Jonson used to say that he had rather have been the author of Chevy Chase than of all his works. The broadside copy may possibly have been the only one
not fail to have been taken notice of had it been in the least exceptionable ; see above, Book ii, song v, ver. 2 [by Richard Edwards, 1596 ?]. Yet, in about half a century after, it was become burlesque. Vide Hudibras, Pt. I, c. 3, v. 95." Re- liques, 1794, I, 268, note, 269.
The copy in the Percy MS., B a, though carelessly made, retains, where the broadsides do not, two of the read- ings of A : bade on the bent, 282 ; to the hard head haled he, 454.
|| Addison was not behind any of us in his regard for tra- ditional songs and tales. No 70 begins : " When I travelled, I took a particular delight in hearing the songs and fables that are come from father to son and are most in vogue among the common people of the countries through which I passed ; for it is impossible that anything should be uni- versally tasted and approved by a multitude, tho the}' are only the rabble of a nation, which hath not in it some peculiar aptness to please and gratify the mind of man. Human nature is the same in all reasonable creatures, and whatever falls in with it will meet with admirers amongst readers of all qualities and conditions."
306 162. THE HUNTING OF THE CHEVIOT
known to Jonson also, but in all probability " Fair maiden Lilliard lies under this stane ;
the traditional ballad was still sung in the Little was her stature, but great her fame ;
streets in Jonson's youth, if not later. ()" the English lads she laid many thumps,
A 3. By these " shyars thre " is probably And when ,,er legs were off, she fought upon her
meant three districts in Northumberland which stumps.
still go by the name of shires and are all in The giant Burlong also fought wonderfully
the neighborhood of Cheviot. These are Is- on his stumps after Sir Triamour had smitten
landshire, being the district so named from his legs off by the knee : Utterson's Popular
Holy Island ; Norehamshire, so called from Poetry, I, 67, 1492-94, cited by Motherwell ;
the town and castle of Noreham or Norham ; Percy MS., Hales and Furnivall, II, 131. Sir
and Bamboroughshire, the ward or hundred Graysteel fights on one leg : Eger ami (nine,
belonging to Bamborough castle and town. Percy MS., I, 386 f, 1032, 1049. Nygosar,
Percy's Reliques, 1794, I, 5, note. in Kyng Alisaunder, after both his armes have
15. Chyviat Chays, well remarks Mr been cut off, bears two knights from their
Wheatley in his edition of the Reliques, I, 22, steeds " with his heved and with his cors " :
becomes Chevy Chace by the same process as 2291-2312, Weber, I, 98 f. Still better, King
that by which Teviotdale becomes Tividale, StarkaSr, in the older Edda, fights after his
and there is no sufficient occasion for the sug- head is off : HelgakviSa Hundingsbana, ii,
gestion that Chevy Chase is a corruption of 27, Bugge, p. 196. f
ckevauchee, raid, made by Dr. E. B. Nichol- " Sed, etiam si ceciderit, de genu pugnat," son, Notes and Queries, Third Series, XII, Seneca, De Providentia 2, 4 (cited in The 124, and adopted by Burton, History of Scot- Gentleman's Magazine, 1794, I, 306), is ex- land, II, 366. plained by Seneca himself, Epis. lxvi, 47 :
38 f. " That beautiful line taking the dead " qui, succisis poplitibus, in genua se excepit
man by the hand will put the reader in mind nee arma dimisit." " In certaminibus gladia-
of iEneas's behavior towards Lausus, whom torum hoc ssepe accidisse et stature existen-
he himself had slain as he came to the rescue tes docent, imprimis gladiator Borghesinus."
of his aged father " (Ingemuit miserans gra- Senecaa Op. Phil., Bouillet, II, 12.
viter, dextramque tetendit, etc., Mn. X, 823, 611. "Lovely London," as Maginn remarks,
etc.) : Addison, in Spectator, No 70. Blackwood's Magazine, VII, 327, is like the
543,4, and B 503*4. Witherington's prowess Homeric Auyeias epcn-eivas, 'Aprjvrjv iparuvrjv, II.,
was not without precedent, and, better still, ii, 532, 591, etc. Leeve, or lovely, London, is
was emulated in later days. Witness the of frequent occurrence: see No 158, l1, No
battle of Ancrum Muir, 1545, or " Lilliard's 168, appendix, 7B, No 174, 351, etc. So
Edge," as it is commonly called, from a wo- " men of pleasant Tivydale," B 141, wrongly
man that fought with great bravery there, to in B a, f, " pleasant men of Tiuydale."
whose memory there was a monument erected 643. Glendale is one of the six wards of
on the field of battle with this inscription, as Northumberland, and Homildon is in this
the traditional report goes : ward, a mile northwest of Wooler.
* A Description of the Parish of Melrose [hy the Revd. 1349 f. But really he was only " hackit on his hochis and
Adam Milne], Edinburgh, 1743, p. 21. Scott cites the theis,"or as Pittscottie says, Dalyell, p. 306, " his hochis war
epitaph, with some slight variations (as " English louns"), cutted and the knoppis of his elbowis war strikin aff,"
Appendix to The Eve of St. John, Minstrelsy, IV, 199, ed. and by and by he is " haill and sound " again, according to
1833. The monument was "all broken in pieces" in the poet, and according to the chronicler he "leived fyftie
Milne's time ; seems to have been renewed and again broken yeires thairefter."
up (The Scotsman, November 12, 1873) ; but, judging from t As stanch as some of these was a Highlander at the
Murray's Handbook of Scotland, has again been restored. battle of Gasklune, 1392, who, though nailed to the ground
Squire Meldrum's valor was inferior to nobody's, but as by a horseman's spear, held fast to his sword, writhed him-
his fortune was happier than Witherington's and Lilliard's, self up, and with a last stroke cut his foeman above the foot
a note may suffice for him. " Quhen his schankis wer to the bone, " through sterap-lethire and the bute, thre
schorne in sunder, vpon his knees he wrocht greit woun- ply or foure" : Wyntoun's Chronicle, B. ix, ch. 14, Laing,
der : " Lindsay, ed. 1594, Cv. recto, v. 30 f, Hall, p. 358, v. Ill, 59.
162. THE HUNTING OF THE CHEVIOT
307
652. That tear begane this spurn "is said to be a proverb, meaning that tear, or pull, brought about this kick " : Skeat. Such a proverb is unlikely and should be vouched. There may be corruption, and perhaps we should read, as a lamentation, That ear (ever) begane this spurn ! Or possibly, That tear is for That there, meaning simply there.
For genealogical illustrations may be con- sulted, with caution, Percy's Reliques, 1794, I, 34 ff, 282 ff. With respect to 531, Pro- fessor Skeat notes: " Louwile, Lumley ; always hitherto printed louele (and explained Lovel), though the MS. cannot be so read, the word being written loule. ' My Lord Lumley ' is mentioned in the ballad of Scotish Feilde,
Percy Fol. MS., I, 226, 1. 270 ; and again in the ballad of Bosworth Feilde, id., Ill, 245, 1. 250."
A is translated by Herder, II, 213 ; by R. v. Bismarck, Deutsches Museum, 1858, 1, 897 ; by Von Marees, p. 63 ; by Grundtvig, Engelske og skotske Folkeviser, p. 84, No 13. Into Latin by Dr. William Maginn, in Blackwood's Magazine, 1819-20, VI, 199, VII, 323.
B is translated by Bothe, p. 6 ; by Knortz, L. u. R. Alt-Englands, p. 24, No 7; by Loeve-Veimars, p. 55 ; (in part) by Cantu, p. 802. Into Latin by Henry Bold, Dryden's Miscellanies, ed. 1702, II, 239 ; by Rev. John Anketell, Poems, etc., Dublin, 1793, p. 264.
MS. Ashmole, 48, Bodleian Library, in Skeat's Specimens of English Literature, 1394-1579, ed. 1880, p. 67.
1 The Perse owt off Northombarlonde,
and avowe to God mayd he That he wold hunte in the mowntayns
off Chyviat within days thre, In the magger of doughte Dogles,
and all that euer with him be.
2 The fattiste hartes in all Cheviat
he sayd he wold kyll, and cary them away : 1 Be my feth,' sayd the dougheti Doglas agayn, ' I wyll let that hontyng yf that I may.'
3 The[n] the Perse owt off Banborowe cam,
-with him a myghtee meany, With fifteen hondrith archares bold off blood and bone ; the wear chosen owt of shyars thre.
4 This begane on a Monday at morn,
in Cheviat the hillys so he ; The chylde may rue that ys vn-born, it wos the mor pitte.
5 The dryvars thorowe the woode's went,
for to reas the dear ; Bomen byckarte vppone the bent with ther browd aros cleare.
6 Then the wyld thorowe the woode's went,
on euery syde shear ; Greahondes thorowe the grevis glent, for to kyll thear dear.
7 77ds begane in Chyviat the hyls abone,
yerly on a Monnyn-day ; Be that it drewe to the oware off none, a hondrith fat harte's ded ther lay.
8 The blewe a mort vppone the bent,
the semblyde on sydis shear ; To the quyrry then the Perse went, to se the bryttlynge off the deare.
9 He sayd, It was the Duglas promys
this day to met me hear ; But I wyste he wolde faylle, verament ; a great oth the Perse swear.
10 At the laste a squyar off Northomberlonde
lokyde at his hand full ny ; He was war a the doughetie Doglas com- mynge, with him a myghtte meany.
11 Both with spear, bylle, and brande,
yt was a myghtti sight to se ; Hardyar men, both off hart nor hande, wear not in Cristiante.
308
162. THE HUNTING OF THE CHEVIOT
12 The wear twenti hondrith spear-men good,
witlioute any feale ; The wear home along be the watter a Twyde, yth bowndes of Tividale.
13 ' Leave of the hrytlyng of the dear,' he sayd,
' and to your boys lock ye tayk good hede ; For neuer sithe ye wear on your mothars borne had ye neuer so mickle nede.'
14 The dougheti Dogglas on a stede,
he rode alle his men beforne ; His armor glytteryde as dyd a glede ; a boldar barne was never born.
15 ' Tell me whos men ye ar,' he says,
' or whos men that ye be : Who gave youe leave to hunte in this Chyviat chays, in the spyt of myn and of me.'
16 The first mane that ever him an answear mayd,
yt was the good lord Perse : ' We wyll not tell the whoys men we ar,' he says,
' nor whos men that we be ; But we wyll hounte hear in this chays,
in the spyt of thyne and of the.
17 ' Tlie fattiste hartes in all Chyviat
we haue kyld, and cast to carry them away : ' ' Be my troth,' sayd the doughete' Dogglas
agay[>]>
' therior the ton of vs shall de this day.'
18 Then sayd the doughte Doglas
unto the lord Perse : ' To kyll alle thes giltles men, alas, it wear great pitte !
19 ' But, Perse, thowe art a lord of lande,
I am a yerle callyd within my contre ; Let all our men vppone a parti stande, and do the battell off the and of me.'
20 ' Nowe Cristes cors on his crowne,' sayd the
lorde Perse, ' who-so-euer ther-to says nay ! Be my troth, doughtte Doglas,' he says, ' thow shalt neuer se that day.
21 'Nethar in Ynglonde, Skottlonde, nar France,
nor for no man of a woman born,
But, and fortune be my chance, I dar met him, on man for on.'
22 Then bespayke a squyar off Northombarlonde,
liirh'trd Wytharyngton was him nam ; ' It shall neuer be told in Sothe-Ynglonde,' he says, 'to Kyng Herry the Fourth for sham.
23 ' I wat youe byn great lord^s twaw,
I am a poor squyar of lande ; I wylle neuer se my captayne fyght on a fylde,
and stande my selffe and loocke on, But whylle I may my weppone welde,
I wylle not [fayle] both hart and hande.'
24 That day, that day, that dredfull day !
the first fit here I fynde ; And youe wyll here any mor a the hountynge a the Chyviat, yet ys ther mor behynde.
25 The Yngglyshe men hade ther bowys yebent,
thev hartes wer good yenoughe ; The first off arros that the shote off, seven skore spear-men the sloughe.
26 Yet byddys the yerle Doglas vppon the bent,
a captayne good yenoughe, And that was sene verament,
for he wrought horn both woo and wouche.
27 The Dogglas partyd his ost in thre,
lyk a cheffe chef ten off pryde ; With suar spears off myghtte tre, the cum in on euery syde ;
28 Thrughe our Yngglyshe archery
gave many a wounde fulle wyde ; Many a doughete" the garde to dy, which ganyde them no pryde.
29 The Ynglyshe men let ther boys be,
and pulde owt brandes that wer brighte ; It was a hevy syght to se
bryght swordes on basnites lyght.
30 Thorowe ryche male and myneyeple,
many sterne the strocke done streght ; Many a freyke that was fulle fre, ther vndar foot dyd lyght.
162. THE HUNTING OF THE CHEVIOT
309
31 At last the Duglas and the Persi1 met,
lyk to captayns of myght and of mayne ; The swapte togethar tylh' the hoth swat, with swordes that wear of fyn myllan.
32 Thes worthe freckys for to fyght,
thcv-to the wear fulle fayne, Tylle the hloode owte off thear basnetes sprente, as euer dyd heal or ra[y]n.
33 ' Yelde the, Persi1,' sayde the Doglas,
' and i feth I shalle the brynge Wher thowe shalte hane a yerls wagis of Jamy our Skottish kynge.
34 ' Thoue shalte haue thy ransom fre,
I hight the hear this thinge ; For the manfullyste man yet art thowe that euer I conqueryd in hide fighttynge.'
35 k Nay,' sayd the lord Perse,
' I tolde it the beforne, That I wolde neuer yeldyde be to no man of a woman born.'
3G With that ther cam an arrowe hastely, forthe off a myghtte wane ; Hit hathe strekene the yerle Duglas in at the brest-bane.
37 Thorowe lyvar and longes bathe
the sharpe arrowe ys gane, Tluit neuer after in all his lyffe-days
he spayke mo wordes but ane : That was, Fyghte ye, my myrry men, whyllys ye may,
for my lyff-days ben gan.
38 The Perse' leanyde on his brande,
and sawe the Duglas de ; He tooke the dede mane by the hande, and sayd, Wo ys me for the !
39 ' To haue savyde thy lyffe, I wolde haue par-
ty de with my landes for years thre, For a better man, of hart nare of hande, was nat in all the north contre.'
40 Off all that se a Skottishe knyght,
was callyd Ser Hewe the Monggowbyrry ; He sawe the Duglas to the deth was dyght, he spendyd a spear, a trusti tre.
41 He rod vppone a corsiare
tb rough e a hondrith archery : He neuer stynttyde, nar neuer blane, tylle he cam to the good lord Perse.
412 He set vppone the lorde Perse a dynte that was full soare ; With a suar spear of a myghtte tre
clean thorow the body he the Perse ber,
43 A the tothar syde that a man myght se
a large cloth-yard and mare : Towe bettar captayns wear nat in Cristiante then that day slan wear ther.
44 An archar off Northomberlonde
say slean was the lord Perse ; He bar a bende bowe in his hand, was made off trusti tre.
45 An arow that a cloth-yarde was lang
to the harde stele halyde he; A dynt that was both sad and soar
he sat on Ser Hewe the Monggombyrry.
4G The dynt yt was both sad and sar that he of Monggomberry sete ; The swane-fethars that his arrowe bar with his hart-blood the wear wete.
47 Ther was neuer a freake wone foot wolde fie,
but still in stour dyd stand, Heawyng on yche othar, whylle the myghte dre, with many a balfull brande.
48 This battell begane in Chyviat
an owar befor the none, And when even-songe bell was rang, the battell was nat half done.
49 The tocke . . on ethar hande
be the lyght off the mone ; Many hade no strenght for to stande, in Chyviat the hillys aboh.
50 Of fifteen hondrith archars of Ynglonde
went away but seuenti and thre ; Of twenti hondrith spear-men of Skotlonde, but even five and fifti.
51 But all wear slayne Cheviat w/t//in ;
the hade no streng[th]e to stand on hy ;
310
102. THE HUNTING OF THE CHEVIOT
The cliylde may rue that ys unhorne, it was the mor pittc.
52 Thear was slayne, withe the lord Perse,
Ser Johan of Agerstone, Ser Rogar, tlie hiiide Hartly,
Ser Wyllyam, the bolde Hearone.
53 Ser Jorg, the worthe Lourale,
a knyghte of great renowen, Ser Raff, the ryche Rugbe,
with dynte.v wear beaten dowene.
54 For Wetharryngton my harte was wo,
that oaer he slayne shulde be ; For when both his leggis wear hewyne in to, yet he knyled and fought on hys kny.
55 Ther was slayne, with the dougheti Duglas,
Ser Hewe the Monggo?Mbyrry, Ser Dauy Lwdale, that worthe was, his sistars son was he.
56 Ser Charls a Murre in that place,
that neuer a foot wolde fie ; Ser Hewe Maxwelle, a lorde he was, with the Doglas dyd he dey.
57 So on the morrowe the mayde them byears
off birch and hasell so g[r]ay ; Many wedous, with wepyng tears, cam to fache ther makys away.
58 Tivydale may carpe off care,
Northowibarlond may mayk great mon,
For towe such captayns as slayne wear thear
on the March-parti shall neuer be non.
59 Word ys cowmen to Eddenburrowe,
to Jamy the Skottishe kynge, That dougheti Duglas, lyff-tenant of the Marches, he lay slean Chyviot wit/iin.
60 His handdes dyd he weal and wryng,
he sayd, Alas, and woe ys me ! Such an othar captayn Skotland within, he sayd, ye-feth shuld neuer be.
61 Worde ys cowrnyn to lovly Londone,
till tlie fourth Harry our kynge. That lord Perse, leyff-tenante of the Marehis, he lay slayne Chyviat within.
62 ' God haue merci on his solle,' sayde Kyng
Harry, ' good lord, yf thy will it be ! I haue a hondrith captayns in Ynglonde,' he sayd, ' as good as euer was he : But, Perse, and I brook my lyffe, thy deth well quyte shall be.'
63 As our noble kynge mayd his avowe,
lyke a noble prince of renowen, For the deth of the lord Perse
he dyde the battell of Ho?«byll-down ;
64